Book review Brian Maregedze
Review & Mail Writer
The long-awaited biography of a controversial figure, Solomon Mujuru nom de guerre Rex Nhongo was finally published in February 2020 under Cambridge University Press. Blessing Miles Tendi, the Oxford Professor of African Politics critically offers a first detailed biographical account on Solomon Mujuru since his mysterious death in an allegedly inferno at his Beatrice farm-house on 15 August 2011. More interesting is that the biography is a product of critical investigation into written sources as well as oral interviews with key players in Zimbabwean politics particularly in colonial and independent Zimbabwe which assist in recovering the memory of Solomon Mujuru “ Rex Nhongo.”
The Oxford based Professor of African Politics, B-M Tendi chronicles the early childhood of Solomon Mujuru from Chikomba district (Charter) in Mashonaland East province demonstrating his strengths and weaknesses as he is remembered from close relatives and associates. More notable is that Solomon Mujuru had issues with fire in his lifetime such that the author relates to 1952 as a first encounter where he survived a “brush of fire” whilst he was sleeping with his elder brother Joel in their thatched kitchen hut covering themselves with a sack. This fire account is titled Fireborn 1 whilst the 15 August 2011 tragic incident is referred to as Fireborn 2. In the early 1980s, Solomon’s lit cigarette also torched fire on their bedroom when he was with his wife Joice. The author didn’t mention why Solomon’s hotel “fire” incident in Geneva-Switzerland which he had attended the failed independence conference isn’t befitting Fireborn 2 or Fireborn 3. Around 2017, this book was titled Ashes and Fire: Life of Solomon Mujuru (Rex Nhongo) raising hopes to those who thought more will be unveiled on his mysterious death. However, the book got a new title which the author didn’t explain to readers.
In his early childhood, Solomon was nicknamed Ruzambu (reed) due to his ill health and thinness which was made “starker” with the size of his head (p.11). Stuttering in speech and being mostly quiet remained permanent in Solomon’s life. He was the tenth of twelve children, however, lost his mother at the age of three.
Solomon Mujuru’s political activism is traced from Zimuto High School in Masvingo where he met with other liberation war luminaries such as Kumbirai Kangai who was his teacher then. Schools where sites of ideological orientation especially in resisting colonial oppression. In 1962 while he was in Standard 6, he was expelled at Zimuto high school for political activism forcing his family to send him to Zambia so that he could finish his studies. [Un]Fortunately in Zambia, student activism was at its climax such that Solomon didn’t even finish his studies resulting in him continuing with the struggle against colonial domination.
Politics of entitlement
Solomon Mujuru believed in ‘liberation war entitlement.’ During the integration years in the 1980s, the Zimbabwe African National Liberation Army (ZANLA) cadres felt entitled to get higher posts and status as compared to the ZIPRA cadres. ZANLA was ZANU’s armed wing. This created tension since S. Mujuru was well known to have had a history of changing from ZIPRA to ZANLA during the liberation struggle. Come independence, some seniors from ZIPRA saw in Mujuru their junior. Hostility was inevitable as he was now the chief of the Zimbabwe National Army (ZNA). Dumiso Dabengwa the late liberation war hero refused to be led by his [former] junior (p.178-9). Mutinhiri, General de Gaulle, is another figure who was ‘marginalised’ in integration in 1980 although he was ZIPRA’s chief of staff from 1976-78 and having been a military instructor prior to that. Above that, the same personality had facilitated Solomon Mujuru’s escape in 1971 when he defected from ZIPRA to ZANLA.
As such, ZANLA-ZIPRA rivalry expressed itself in various ways. ZANLA cadres felt entitled to higher positions in the newly ZNA ranks due to their allegiance to ZANU which had won the 1980 elections. S. Mujuru was also ‘compelled’ by circumstances not to be found getting the sell-out tag by promoting ZIPRA cadres ‘fairly’ during the early years of independence. The army also ended up vulnerable to ‘politicization’ by ZANU PF.
The author locates Gukukurandi of the 1980s within ZANLA-ZIPRA fissures as some ZIPRA cadres who deserted the army got the label of ‘dissidents’ (p.179).
The Kingmaker
This can be traced from Solomon Mujuru’s involvement in recommending Robert Mugabe to lead the party in the late 1970s. This is despite initial refusal by some members of the frontline states to recognize Mugabe. Mujuru’s recommendations are believed to have been motivated by Robert Mugabe’s education, Edwardian English, eloquence in speech, the Secretary of the party which was translated to second senior to Sithole who was the president then, and kin relations which are arguably distant (p. 85). Mujuru deployed his advantage of close networks with Frente de Libertação de Moçambique (FRELIMO) to ensnare his adversaries, those from the Dare and High Command. At the end, Robert Mugabe became the president of party whilst Tongogara got hold of the army. Samora Machel, the former Mozambican president was also pivotal in Mujuru’s schemes (p.95).
More worth taking is that as the liberation struggle was underway, power struggles among the nationalists simultaneously had its toll. Ethnic conflicts were rampant. The death of Hebert Chitepo is indicative of the struggles. Again, the Nhari rebellion could also have played out its role in the way the leaders were divided. What possibly may be factual beyond Thomas Nhari’s group and their motivations is the persistent marginalization of middle ranked officers in the army. B-M Tendi argues that, “…Nhari mutineers exploited the absence of leading ZANLA commanders, who were in China and Romania on diplomatic engagements, to stage a mutiny.” Arm-chair commanders versus soldiers and commanders who lead from the front remains a contentious issue well detailed in the book. Mujuru’s life history posits a window through explanations for the Nhari revolt as motivated by internal factors rather external. Previously, David Martin and Phyllis Johnson, Ngwabi Bhebe had argued that Rhodesian intelligence influenced the Nhari, Badza and Molife mutiny.
Solomon Mujuru’s military credentials covered training and leading from the front in many places in Southern Africa as a region. His military operations in Mozambique under the FRELIMO equipped him with more experience since he had already undergone training in Bulgaria, China, Russia and Tanzania. It’s no wonder the story of Mujuru the liberator is transnational. He belongs to the few war heroes to be buried at the national heroes’ acre in Harare with such a memorable crowd. People from all political divides converged bidding farewell to the illustrious liberation fighter and Kingmaker.
The last chapter of the book delves into consistencies and contradictions associated with the death of Solomon Mujuru. Was Solomon murdered first then got burnt in his house? What was the role of state and non-state actors in distorting some information leading to factors surrounding Solomon’s death? These and other many questions as well as plausible theories are critically examined.
However, the author was also partly successful in pointing out the challenges associated with life and times of Solomon Mujuru. From his use of obscenities, discipline and punishment, entitlement, ‘disregard’ for the role of spirit mediums in the liberation struggle among others. The book also identifies stories of violence instigated by men towards girls, women during the struggle particularly sexual violence. Insights on other key figures during Zimbabwe’s liberation struggle are illuminated, Josiah Tongogara, Herbert W. Chitepo, Dumiso Dabengwa among others. Sadly, Herbert Chitepo’s death remains a mystery over forty years since his death.
Given that Cain Mathema, the current minister of Primary and Secondary Education trained in Russia in 1968 with Mujuru, more narratives will likely emerge in the future. Surprisingly, there was no interview or reference to Cain Mathema’s writings in relation to many issues raised in this biographical work. Nonetheless, the book is well-researched and relevant to historians with musings in political history, peace and strategic studies, military studies and those interested in the history of liberation struggles in Africa.
Feedback, email: bmaregedze@gmail.com
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