Saturday 30 December 2017

2017 Blog Review

2017 Blog Review

By Brian Maregedze

As the year started uncertainties on the New Curriculum clouded the first month of the year. There was the implementation of the long awaited recommendations of the Nziramasanga commission of enquiry. The readership and popularity of this blog increased, with 2016 having an average readership of 1 940 per month whilst in 2017 followers, readers have increased to an average readership, viewership of over 20 000 per month. More interesting is that some high school students, teachers have managed to embrace E-learning using this blog for their respective arts subjects. Focus had been generally on History and Divinity when the blog was born, however, Sociology, Family & Religious Studies have been added to the list. What are some of the topical issues posted and the future prospects for readers?

Over the thirty articles have been posted with demands rising, email responses from teachers and students increasing. The following posts have been outstanding receiving many comments from readers countrywide;

Discuss Hosea’s marriage and his message
History of Zimbabwe Advanced Level Notes
Understanding Family & Religious Studies Vol. 1, Book Review
Advanced Level Sociology Seminar a success at Kondo High School in Guruve
Sampling Techniques with Brian Maregedze
Family & Religious Studies Revision Questions (Advanced Level)
A Reconstruction of Paul’s Life and the nature of his Ministry
History Major Career Opportunities
A True prophet of Robert Mugabe’s demise in 2017-Makandiwa or Ken Yamamoto?
Emmanuel Makandiwa and Zimbabwe’s succession storm revisited, 2017
Latest Book. Great Zimbabwe: Who Built it and Why?

The above posts dominated in terms of responses for the year 2017 and more articles will be posted in 2018. Dealing with question and answers as usual will be carried out. Critical analysis on developments within the History, Div/F&RS and Sociology shall be dealt with in detail. Over twenty schools were visited in Harare and some beyond as a result of internet use and finding the blog useful for examination preparation and daily class researches. With a passion to provide an alternative space for students, teachers to interact and learn this platform is serving many and more shall be dealt with in the coming.  Some challenges encountered by readers include failure to access this blog and some students, teachers would make attempts to re-send to their friends, colleagues using other social media platforms like WhatsApp, Facebook. The blogger will definitely organise with readers to visit more places physically in 2018. As we prepare for 2018, lets send our important areas of study, topics so that they are dealt with in detail. FARE thee well 2017.

Monday 11 December 2017

Economic History-A Degree to Pursue

Economic History- A Degree to Pursue

By Brian Maregedze

A number of humanities,arts candidates at Advanced level struggle in deciding which programme/s to pursue for their tertiary studies. Today's blog post offers students, parents, among other interested parties to learn and understand that there are many opportunities to exploit. What is Economic History? What are its demands and career opportunities available in Zimbabwe and beyond? The foregoing lines shall assist in responding to all these questions.

DEPARTMENT OF ECONOMIC HISTORY
University of Zimbabwe

Honours Degree
in Economic History
Defining Economic History:
   >Economic History is the study and understanding of economic processes from both the recent and distant pasts

Duration of programme:
4 years
Entry Requirements

Normally the applicant must obtain a Pass in ‘A’ Level Economic History, or History, Sociology, Geography or Economics and any other subject approved by the Board.
Applicants with either a post ‘A’ Level relevant qualification or with relevant work experience may be admitted with approval of Senate.

Potential Job Market

A  graduand in Economic History is an informed economic analyst trained to interpret from an economic vantage point. For this reason, Economic Historians are  eligible for employment in the following sectors

Ministries and government departments engaged in Economic Planning, Industrial development, Labour issues, Agriculture, Mining etc
NGO Sector
Banking sector as an economic advisor/planner/analyst
International organisations and corporations such as SADC, the AU, UN and their Subsidiaries.
Ministry of Education – Economic History has recently been introduced into the secondary/high school education system
Good students in Economic History get scholarships in post-graduate studies with international universities and become employed as academics with prestigious institutions.

Facts about the Department of
Economic History, UZ

The Department of Economic History is housed under the Faculty of Arts at the University of Zimbabwe.
In Zimbabwe, Economic History is offered as a stand-alone Degree only at the country’s prestigious University of Zimbabwe
The Department has Memorandum Of Understanding (MOU) with Lund University, Sweden and Ben-Gurion University of the Negev, Israel, which allow for student and Lecturer exchange programmes between universities.
MOU’s with local organisations have been signed to help students access industrial attachment smoothly.
The Department boasts of many of its products who are academics and professionals in prestigious institutions
Students in the Department are trained to be alert and critical economic thinkers.
The Department has vibrant academic engagements through seminar presentations held at least twice monthly during the semester. Local and international presenters participate in these seminars.
The Department is affiliated to an international organisation called Rethinking Economics (RE) through its members who are part of Economic Thinkers (ET) – ZimChapter, a local branch of RE. RE finances local events such as workshops and conferences.
Economic History gives you the best of two worlds i.e. Economics and History and allows for flexibility and greater opportunities from these worlds.

The Mandate of the Department of Economic History

To be the number one department in producing well-rounded graduate that are critical economic thinkers.
To be internationally recognised as one of the best departments in African and International Economic History.
To be an economic think tank for the country, the continent and the world at large.
To contribute positively towards the economic planning and development of the country.

Highlights of courses offered in the Programme:

Introduction to Economic History

Introduction to Research Methods in Economic Studies

Theories and Concepts of Development

Introduction to Gender in Economic History

Development of Economic Thought                                       

Economics for Economic Historians

Economic History of the Developing World                                  

Industrialisation of the First World

The Zimbabwean Pre-colonial Economy                                                    

Women in Pre-colonial Societies   

Sustainability and Economic Development

Historiography of the Zimbabwean Economy

Wealth, Poverty and Inequality

Slavery and Slave Trade in the World

Histories of Labour Policies in Africa

Development and Livelihoods in the Third World

Intermediate Research Methods: Concepts And Techniques

The Zimbabwean Economy Since 1965

Gender and the Labour Market

Labour Movements: Comparative Studies

Food Security: A Comparative Study

Natural Resources and Economic Development in the Third World

Economic Crises and Crisis Economies

Business History of Africa

Advanced Seminar Series: Development of Industry & Mining

Advanced Seminar Series on Land and Environment

Advanced Seminar on Gender

Rural and Urban Development in Africa

Banking History of Africa

Religion and Economic Development

Migration and Development in Africa

Economic Co-operation in Africa

For more information contact us on:

Department of Economic History
University of Zimbabwe
P O Box MP167, Mt Pleasant, Harare
Tel:          +263 4 303211 Extn: 14064/5
Cell:    +263 772 584 701
    +263717245382
Email.    econhist@arts,uz.ac.zw
               ushehwedu@gmail.com

Sunday 10 December 2017

Divinity, Sociology and History A'level: Latest Book. Great Zimbabwe: Who Built it and Why?...

Divinity, Sociology and History A'level: Latest Book. Great Zimbabwe: Who Built it and Why?...: Latest Book. Great Zimbabwe: Who Built it and Why? Cosmas Nyamutswa, Themba Books, Harare, 2017, $USA/ZIM BOND 20.00 Book Review By Brian...

Latest Book. Great Zimbabwe: Who Built it and Why?

Latest Book. Great Zimbabwe: Who Built it and Why?

Cosmas Nyamutswa, Themba Books, Harare, 2017, $USA/ZIM BOND 20.00

Book Review

By Brian Maregedze

The Great Zimbabwe has been a subject of various interpretations, debates revolving on who built it and the purpose for its construction has been a thorny issue in historical and archaeological studies not leaving out anthropological studies among others. Cosmas Nyamutswa ‘s almost a decade research on the Great Zimbabwe promises much and yet delivers little as this review shall critically unpack. A Zimbabwean pilot by profession, Cosmas Nyamutswa made the effort to do it the antiquarian way which is rather not new in historical studies, however the question remains, how different is he from other researched works on the Great Zimbabwe? To what extent does the book achieve its main objective of offering a possibility for coming up with reasonable, acceptable arguments on who built the Great Zimbabwe and why? Captain Cosmas Nyamurswa pushes for the need to have a refocus on T. N Huffman’s initiation ceremony argument on why Great Zimbabwe was built. The circumcision theory is put forward by the author which then strengthens his position on who built it and why. This book is no doubt a worth read for anyone and everyone interested in the Zimbabwean story, for the soapstone so called Zimbabwe bird explanation is put into question. I intentionally note, so-called Zimbabwe bird since there is another explanation offered by this new 2017 publication. Another explanation on the phalli found at Great Zimbabwe is put into scrutiny thereby making attempts to debunk from the conventional view of the bird/s. How convincing is the circumcision theory on the Great Zimbabwe?

On 26 October 2017 presenting in the Department of History at the University of Zimbabwe, Captain Cosmas Nyamustwa disappointingly started by retrieving a statement mistakenly attributed to Dr. Plan Shenjere-Nyabenzi written in his book noting that, “archaeologists know 100% about Great Zimbabwe. The debate on Great Zimbabwe is a done deal… There is really nothing to debate”. This statement no doubt is fallacious and it has no substantial grounding in academic discourse. Having said that, the author went on disclose that he is neither a historian nor an archaeologist but rather a professional trained pilot who last studied History at form two. The zeal for writing the book is inspired by the search of identity from the author, the Lemba people. The 270 page book is categorised into four parts, part one has four chapters which deal with the historiography of the Great Zimbabwe. It interesting to note that, the antiquarian tradition can be easily gleaned from the author’s introductory chapter analyzing the exogenous and endogenous explanations on the Great Zimbabwe. The historiography is sometimes narrative in a boring way, capturing the narratives that have been put across by early antiquarians, explorers, missionaries, travelers as well as other Zimbabwean scholars who have contributed to this discourse. The author surprisingly claimed that, “little is known about the history of Great Zimbabwe monument” and sometimes calling the literature “disappointingly little”. However, some reference is made by the author from archaeological and historical studies which are recent studies from scholars like Innocent Pikirayi, Shadreck Chirikure, Gerald C. Mazarire among others which is a sign of reading from the author. This is paradoxical in a way, as the author self-contradicts himself by arguing initially that the literature is disappointingly little without espousing how little is disappointingly little. The last chapter of the book, Great Zimbabwe is African has some of the opinions of the author based on his research on what has to been done in order to address issues that he found in need of further research.

Also observable is that, the author argues that his book calls for, “the need to have a theory that is coherent and at the same time liberates the Great Zimbabwe discourse from sterile polarization within which it has become trapped”. The novice author, although he observes the challenge at hand, his approach also falls into the same trap he claims he intends to debunk. To a professional Historian, citing T. Hawkes, a post-structuralist, Sabelo J. Ndlovu-Gatsheni on Zimbabwe’s pre-colonial history opines the need not only read sources readerly but also writerly. Readerly is when a reader remains passively oriented towards a text, reading it straight, without making any attempt to interpret it. Treating a text as writerly, involves creative and critical interpretation, making the text one’s own, and relating it to other experiences. In this case, the interdisciplinary approach becomes vital which therefore necessitates Joost Fontein an anthropologist’s PhD thesis cum book, The Silence of the Great Zimbabwe: Contested Landscapes and the Power of Heritage which also deals with the Great Zimbabwe vital.

Captain Cosmas develops his Circumcision theory on the Great Zimbabwe based on his search for his people’s History, the Lemba whom he claimed in the introduction of the book as a secretive people thus other researchers on the Great Zimbabwe have been left with no much information. From a point of privilege of background and also departing from issues initially researched by archaeologists, T.N Huffman and Peter Garlake the author follows their path but in greater detail. Two maps are used by the author demonstrating the Indian Ocean Trade as well as that of Zimbabwe including Archaeological sites, whilst the forty one photographs are claimed to have been used in the lists of photographs, a page which is not numbered after the contents page shows a photograph labelled, Replica of the Original Canonical Tower built by the author at his Borrowdale house, the other which isn’t referenced is that of a womb, a fetus. These photographs may need a more follow up from the author as they to some extent portray the methodological challenges that an amateur historian may encounter. It is also imperative for readers to find out more about the circumcision theory from the book as this space is limited to give a glimpse of the aspect at hand.
Moving on, a saddening aspect within the book is that the author assumes the following fallacies; there is no doctoral thesis in Zimbabwe on builders and usage of Great Zimbabwe, tourism authorities are involved in marketing Great Zimbabwe without its knowledge, Great Zimbabwe narratives have to be monolithic, obsession with the so called scientific approach to the Great Zimbabwe. These issues can be learned by going through Zimbabwe’s education system such that the exhibition of alienation is closed on the part of the author.

However, a closer reading of the book sometimes reflects a bitter voice who is not only calling for attention but relevance that is the need to have Mwenye voices which he argues to be missing in Zimbabwe’s History in general. This can be followed from the preface of the book when in 2008 the author was sitting with his father asking questions about his family background, he goes on to note that, “…all l had wanted to do initially was draw up my family tree for the benefit of my family. But as l worked on the material l found it fed into my interest in explaining Great Zimbabwe. I came to feel l had stumbled on something very important”.

All in all, it is advisable for the author to note that, ignorance is evil, for with it, you may find yourself denigrating the Zimbabwe’s secondary education and tertiary institutions on the Great Zimbabwe without pursuing its literature in detail which is disastrous. Fortunately l remember so well and it is my hope that on 26 October 2017, new optic lenses of reasoning, approaches, (re)interpretations, where imparted on the author by the University of Zimbabwe’s department of History practitioners for they posited constructive arguments. The book is still useful no doubt for it points to an author who is in search of relevance in Becoming Zimbabwe borrowing from Brian Raftopoulos and Alois Mlambo’s (edited) publication. Thus in the quest for becoming Zimbabwe/ean, the academy, the University of Zimbabwe can also be seen as promoting, providing space/s for airing out various viewpoints. Also, a reading of the book assists in understanding the circumcision theory on the Great Zimbabwe.

Brian Maregedze writing in his own capacity, is a young historian, academic currently pursuing his post graduate studies focusing on African History at the University of Zimbabwe. He is a holder of B.A Honours degree in History, B. A. A major in History and Religious Studies all from the University of Zimbabwe.

Saturday 25 November 2017

Emmanuel Makandiwa and Zimbabwe's Succession Storm Revisited, 2017

‘Emmanuel Makandiwa and the leader from Diaspora, Strive Masiyiwa, Evan Mawarire and Emmerson Mnangagwa’- Revisiting the media Speculations.

Brian Maregedze

Who is/are the Kingmaker/s in Zimbabwe’s politics, the majority citizens, the military, religious functionaries or the intelligentsia? Following my previous article, A true prophet of Robert Mugabe’s demise in 2017-Makandiwa or Ken Yamamoto, a number of responses from readers have come, with mixed comments of praise, appraisals and criticism. This piece however seeks to clarify more on issues that l left hanging and also address some of the comments which followed. Emmanuel Makandiwa the UFIC founder and leader was not adequately dealt with hence the need to bring in some important issues in relation to the ‘new national priest’ President Emmerson Mnangagwa.  On 12 July 2016, Blessing Mhlanga in a News Day Zimbabwe local paper reported on a story, ‘Makandiwa wades into Mugabe succession storm’. From this story, over 10 newspapers from within Zimbabwe and outside also carried various headlines all indicating Makandiwa’s story in light of a new leader to come. In this piece l will focus on various accounts on the leader from diaspora and discuss the relevance of the criterion of true or false prophet in light of recent events with Zimbabwe having the ‘new national priest’, Emmerson D. Mnangagwa. 
The article, A true prophet of Robert Mugabe’s demise in 2017-Makandiwa or Ken Yamamoto? addresses the debate on public intellectuals and prophets in their efforts to explain events, political events in this context. A number of prophets emerged, notably Emmanuel Makandiwa and Allan Mhukuta aka Madzibaba Wimbo (I am however aware of other prophets who had made their predictions outside Zimbabwe but l am mainly interested in Makandiwa). Ken Yamamoto who has no much personal  information known about him/her made the prediction of the demise of Robert Mugabe before December 2017, however, not suggesting or pointing the next Head of State to be E.D Mnangagwa. Emmanuel Makandiwa becomes relevant in this context, as l noted from reading Blessing Mhlanga’s News Day Zimbabwe report of 12 July 2016. From the story, Makandiwa is argued to have said that Robert Mugabe would be replaced by a Zimbabwean based in the diaspora. I also highlighted in my previous writing the need to problematize diaspora and exile as recent reports were now more of addressing Mnangagwa as one who was in exile when he left the country soon after being sacked from the party and government earlier in November 2017.

Speculations on the leader from the diaspora

Robert Mugabe has been the longest serving president in the 37 years history of independent Zimbabwe and the succession issue emerged as a result of many factors. Old age factor has also been dominant leading to serious factional ‘wars’ within the ruling party Zimbabwe African National Union for the Patriotic Front (ZANU PF). The worsening economic crisis since 2013 intensified factional fights which have always existed in the party from its formative years to the present. However the print and electronic media has generally been outstanding in reporting on such issues unlike the state led paper the Herald Newspaper. Soon after winning the 2013 elections, Robert Mugabe in the year 2014 dealt with a factional factor which was thought to be serious then. This led to the fall of Joice Mujuru as the Vice president of Zimbabwe. Emmerson Mnangagwa then replaced Joice Mujuru. Within a few months the same factional factor now on Lacoste led by Mnangagwa though he would not associate himself anywhere to that brand when Robert Mugabe was still Head of State and Government of Zimbabwe became also apparent. Makandiwa in July of 2016 was reportedly cited, ‘seeing a person coming from outside, who was running towards the people of Zimbabwe.’ The person is argued to have been running in the opposite direction to people, who were running towards him, and a spider is seen, the spider followed this person, who is argued to be the chosen one to lead the people [own interpretation]. However, UFIC spokesperson Prime Kufa is argued to have noted that the message ‘was complex’ noting that Makandiwa was the only one to interpret the meaning. Interestingly in response Makandiwa made a warning, ‘against uninformed political interpretations on prophecies’.
Tatenda Dewa of The Nehanda Radio, an online paper wrote, Mugabe to be succeeded by foreign-based Zimbabwean-Makandiwa. This report suggested that Makandiwa made a condition that the person was supposed to join opposition politics, which seemed then to rule out Emmerson Mnangagwa and Morgan Tsvangirai.  This report suggested that Strive Masiyiwa the Chairman and Founder of the Econet Group was the likely candidate since he is based outside Zimbabwe though not a politician, the chances were put forward. Also notable is that, Mugabe’s then lieutenants were reportedly getting impatient. From a close follow up of these reports, one can observe that a leadership vacuum was there in Zimbabwe as a country. This is the same month, July, that Evan Mawarire on the 6th of the month in 2016 that he made Zimbabwe declare a non-violent protest called the Shutdown Zimbabwe, in which all businesses stood still. I remember vividly that l was still teaching High school at Transparency College in Chitungwiza. When l went to work l had thoughts of business as usual, however through social media, mainly Facebook, Twitter, Youtube and WhatsApp posts, Evan Mawarire was successful in slowing down events in Zimbabwe (Manavire, 2016). He is now famous for leading the #This Flag movement with some labelling him the ‘architecture’ of the movement. Students did not turn up to school as usual and only a few could be seen around the school. That is when l realized that the political landscape was getting more intense. Evan Mawarire is however necessary to mention in this context since after his 6th July 2017 protest, he left the country for South African then United States of America in the name of fearing for his life. Reports on Evan Mawarire, an author, pastor, public speaker and activist started circulating on 15 July 2016 the same day that Emmanuel Makandiwa made his prophecy which was to also dominate media reports the following day. The iharare.com of 15 July 2017 had the story, Evan Mawarire flees Zimbabwe, seeks asylum in the US? What then followed is that Mawarire went to USA for some time and expectations for his return were also associated with Makandiwa’s diaspora prophecy. What is notable again is that the people of Zimbabwe, as a result of John Mangudya’s introduction of bond notes tensions became more serious economically and politically, the churches unlike before played a crucial role in trying to challenge the government in responding to the demands of the believers, the ordinary people in Zimbabwe.
The question that has been ‘complex’ to answer to borrow Prime Kufa’s words is that of the prophecy of a leader from diaspora. Who is that leader? Strive Masiyiwa, Evan Mawarire or Emmerson Mnangagwa. As I followed through Brilliant Mhlanga’s report, comments from the readers, bhoky at 07:42 am commented that,
“Whatever the man of God [reference to Emmanuel Makandiwa] can say about this succession in the short term, l don’t see anyone other than Ngwena [crocodile, lacoste] succeeding mudhara [father, referring to Robert Mugabe]. The constitution favors him, the army is on his side and the influential war veterans are also on his side. Baring a miracle I don’t see anything stopping Ngwena, at least in the short term”
On the same issue, an hour later, another Law Prof commented, ‘Strive Masiyiwa for presiden!!’ of another reader who commented Robert Gabriel concurred.

Interestingly, another named Muturikwa later on commented that, ‘Mofa henyu ne speculation [you will die/get tired with speculation]’. Of the 105 respondents on the story only two argued that Emmerson Mnangagwa would be the next president after Robert Mugabe.  Zvorwadza commented;
Yes, Ngwena may become interim president but kuchauya [will come] Election, we consider the one voted by people to become the legitimate successor.
The above comment suggests a reader who is cautious, using probability that there is likelihood of Mnangagwa being President prior to elections of 2018. The issue of a legitimate successor is also controversial at the moment as legal experts seem to question the legality of Emmerson Mnangagwa’s ascendancy to the high office with the blessing of the Zimbabwe Defense Forces and the people of Zimbabwe [a follow up on the Big Saturday Read by Alex Magaisa will help, David Coltart a Human Rights Lawyer, among others is necessary]. Strive Masiyiwas was put on the cards by the respondents, with over five (5) thinking that he can be the next president as of 2018 elections which are still yet to be held.

Answering the Diaspora and or Exile Question

The word diaspora is usually associated with the Biblical dispersion of the Jews. In street talk or daily interaction, diaspora tends to mean those in foreign lands or foreign based as one of the newspaper reports indicated. Blessing Mhlanga, on 18 July 2016 writing for the Zimbabwe Situation, an online paper, had the story, Tsvangirai Hits back at Makandiwa prophecy whereby the former Prime Minister of 2008-2013 is reported to have showed dismissal of Makandiwa’s prophecy. He showed lack of interest in consultation of traditional healers (n’angas) or prophets pertaining to leadership issues. However, without playing around with semantics, Makandiwa did not use diaspora or exile terms but rather ‘one coming from outside’ is clear. Ken Yamamoto aptly argues for the demise of Robert Mugabe by December 2017 but does not bring in who would actually replace Robert Mugabe. The fact that Emmerson Mnangagwa spent over two weeks outside the country after dismissal from the government by his former boss Robert Mugabe makes Makandiwa worth noting. The Public intellectual vs prophets has to come in.

How valid is the criterion of true and false prophets on prediction and fulfillment?

The issue of true and false prophets has had unending debates among believers, think tanks and the like-minded. Bible scholars and believers who use the ‘prediction and fulfillment’ criterion as the sine qua non of true prophecy have used the Deuteronomist approach in dealing with this issue. According the Deuteronomists theologians, the assumption is that when one speaks of an event/s and the event does not come to pass then the prophet/tess is a false one. A reading of Deuteronomy 13:1-5, 18:21-22 attests to this explanation.

However, challenges posited by this explanation also include the case of Micaiah the son of Imlah who had a confrontation with Zedekia a leader of over 400 prophets of Yahweh when a reading of 1 Kings 22 is taken into account. A University of Zimbabwe Old Testament scholar, Obvious Vengeyi (2013) argued that 1 Kings 22 is a ‘classic example’ that can be followed when dealing with the issue of ‘true and false’ prophets on ‘prediction and fulfillment’ as the case of ‘divine deception’ is brought forward. In this case, King Ahab consulted 400 prophets on whether he has to go for war or not. They all encouraged him to go claiming that God was with the king to give him victory (1 Kgs. 22:6). Yet, the text is very clear that the 400 prophets had been lied to by God (1Kgs. 22: 19-23). This means, had it not been the lying spirit from God that entered these prophets, they would have said the truth. In fact, it is clear that before this incident they always told the truth; they were true prophets. It also means after this incident they became false prophets or they became true prophets again. In other words, 1 Kings 22 makes a bold declaration that both a true prophet and a false prophet were mediums of the same God! What is also coming out of this text is that prophets are not responsible for their actions and speech. Therefore, they cannot be held accountable since they are only agents in the hand of God. This observation defeats the whole idea of Deut. 13:1-5 as well Deut. 18. Hence, the conclusion reached by Nyasha Madzokere and Francis Machingura (2015) on this criterion are worth pursuing, noting that each and every criterion has a challenge and unreliable. Even the criteria of monotheism, miracle performance, and moral uprightness among others have their loopholes which posit the ‘complexity’ nature of the debate of true and false prophets that Zimbabwean believers, academics, think tanks usually grapple with. What then should believers focus on remains a perennial problem?

Conclusion

All in all, Emmanuel Makandiwa cannot be thrown into the category of those who didn’t foresee events to unfold as of 2016 just like Ken Yamamoto was apt on Robert Mugabe’s demise by December 2017. It is critical to note that even among respondents on Blessing Mhlanga’s News Day Zimbabwe report some people were also making allusions pointing to Mnangagwa’s ascendancy to presidents though not clearly identifying when exactly. Strive Masiyiwa still has space in this whole debate and cannot be ruled out since a closer analysis of the readers’ interpretations a leader from 2018 elections hasn’t yet come. This however also posits the challenge to those who are already bringing in the issue of Emmerson Mnangagwa and legitimacy as cited above. The public intellectuals still have their share in all this complex scenario of Zimbabwe’s crisis. Again, Madzibaba Wimbo is still in this complex power matrix as media reports highlight of his abduction since 2014 in relation to issues of the Presidium. Who are the Kingmakers in Zimbabwe, the military, religious functionaries or the intelligentsia? Food for thought.
Brian Maregedze (MAFH candidate [UZ], B.A Special Honours in History [UZ], B.A.A Major in History and Religious Studies [UZ] is a young academic, historian writing in his own capacity. He also teaches undergraduate courses in African History at the University of Zimbabwe and is a High school consultant.
For feedback email: bmaregedze@gmail.com

Thursday 23 November 2017

A true prophet of Robert Mugabe’s demise in 2017-Makandiwa or Ken Yamamoto?

A true prophet of Robert Mugabe’s demise in 2017-Makandiwa or Ken Yamamoto?

Brian Maregedze

Africans as J.S Mbiti a renowned scholar in Religious Studies argues, ‘are notoriously religious’ is apt when dealing with how predictions on Robert Mugabe’s leadership has been a subject of various interpretations. When will Robert Mugabe go? Who would be the next president after Robert Mugabe? Academics, analysts, man of the cloth have not been left out in efforts to respond to these questions. In this short piece I argue that the Tokyo based Research fellow on Africa, Ken Yamamoto deserves kudos for his article which clearly predicted the demise of Robert Mugabe in 2017. Allan Mhukuta aka Madzibaba Wimbo has been popularized for predicting that Robert Mugabe will be Zimbabwe’s independent leader way back in 1957. Pentecostal prophets critical of Robert Mugabe’s leadership have been labelled, ‘prophets of doom’ as a result of their position/s. To a student of Religious Studies, this has been an interesting topic when dealing with true and false prophets. I do not however intent to focus on whether there are true or false prophets per se but rather to focus on Ken Yamamoto’s interesting prediction which came to pass in November 2017. What has been the role of prophets in predicting the future of Robert Mugabe? Was Emmerson Mnangagwa close to these predictions? Public intellectuals’ vs prophets? The resignation of Robert Mugabe on 21 November 2017 makes this paper relevant in reflecting upon the recent past and other related issues following his 37 years reign in Zimbabwean politics.
Who is Ken Yamamoto?
Reading through his articles www.newzimbabwe.com, he is only identified as a research fellow on Africa at an Institute in Tokyo. It is also added that, he travels and researches frequently in Uganda, Kenya, Rwanda and Zimbabwe.
Prophets on Robert Mugabe’s leadership
Waiting is a human activity and due to various economic, political, social, religious problems in Zimbabwe some have been involved in various human activities waiting for change in all facets of their lives. While ‘waiting’ some have left the country, some have started activism in various ways, online activism and other means to counter the Robert Mugabe hegemony since ‘independence’ in 1980. In as much as there are many factors to consider when dealing with challenges facing Zimbabwe, focus has been put on Robert Mugabe as the leader. Lack of change of leadership has ended up becoming unbearable both within and outside Zanu PF, the ruling party since the country attained its independence. A number of people especially the clergy have made attempts to mobilise forces for the removal of Robert Mugabe as the president. Mediel Hove and Chenzi, Prophets of Doom: Zimbabwe Christian Community and Contemporary Politics, is an interesting read especially on how the Christian community has responded to politics in Zimbabwe. To these scholars, ‘the year 2016 registered a paradigm shift in the Christian community, that is, from passively or at times actively supporting Robert Mugabe’s political rule to an openly hostile entity to Mugabe’s political administration’. Paradoxically, prior to Mnangagwa’s dismissal, church leaders, and groups mainly from apostolic churches were assembled at the National Sports Stadium in the name of solidarity with the former first family, the Interface rally to be precise.
Prophet Emmanuel Makandiwa, founder and leader of United Family International (UFI), also made anti-government and anti-Mugabe remarks. On 10 July 2016, during a Sunday church service, Emmanuel Makandiwa told his congregants that Zimbabwe was to be ruled by an individual who is currently in the diaspora. Is this in tandem with events which took shape in Zimbabwe?
Emmanuel Makandiwa
Evans Mawarire of the #This flag movement was also critical of Robert Mugabe’s leadership in as far as addressing the challenges facing the ordinary people of Zimbabwe. However, to some, he has been neutralized since at one point in time, he left for the United States of America claiming the personal security factor.
Aaron Mhukuta, founder and leader of Vadzidzi Vajesu Apostolic Church nicknamed Madzibaba Wimbo, was also caught up in Zimbabwe’s political storm. He was implicated as a key figure in ZANU–PF’s succession politics. Wimbo is remembered for his prophesy in 1957 when he prophesied that independent Zimbabwe would be led by a man with the name of an angel, Gabriel. This was fulfilled when Mugabe whose full name is Robert Gabriel Mugabe became the first post-colonial leader of Zimbabwe in 1980. However, in 2014 Wimbo refused to reveal the identity of Robert Mugabe’s successor. The following lines will now focus on public intellectuals and their attempts to confront and challenge Robert Mugabe. In short, it is clear from Hove and Chenzi’s article that, church leaders played their part in challenging Robert Mugabe on issues affecting the ordinary citizens in Zimbabwe. What has been the role of Fidelis Mukonori a Roman Catholic Priest of Society of Jesus guild in facing this issue in as far as the plight of the people is concerned? I am interested in how some supported Robert Mugabe throughout his tenure, ‘being blind of a visionary leader notion’ noted by Yamamoto. A visionary leader thinks beyond his reign, he prepares for a leadership beyond his time.
Public intellectuals on Robert Mugabe
Just like Blessing Miles Tendi in his PhD thesis come 2010 publication, Making History in Mugabe’s Zimbabwe: Politics, Intellectuals and the media, public intellectuals are individuals educated in a specific academic discipline, such as political science, history or economics, who choose to write and speak to a broader audience than offered by professional academic colleagues. In this interesting book, a number of public intellectuals are dealt with, both sympathetic to Robert Mugabe and out right critics. Those sympathetic to Robert Mugabe in Miles-Tendi’s work and beyond include Tafataona Mahoso, the late Vimbai G. Chivaura, Kenneth Manungo, Claude Mararike among others. Jonathan Moyo was both an enemy outside Zanu PF and later on became a chief proponent of  Robert Mugabe’s reign. Richard Mahomva has also been a rising young public intellectual who admired Robert Mugabe as noted from selected articles he wrote who seemed also to over gloss on Robert Mugabe’s leadership. Interesting to note is that, Ken Yamamoto, far from public intellectuals sympathetic to Robert Mugabe he has been critical of his leadership being able to identify pros and cons.
In an article of 09 August 2016, Yamamoto wrote, Yamamoto: Five Reasons why Mugabe will be gone in 12 months. In this article, Yamamoto notes that, ‘what rises what must’ and this is in relation to all leaders. He starts his writing by identifying how Robert Mugabe rose to power from the Mgagao declaration of October 1975 for instance whereby there was a leadership vacuum as a result of many factors. The death of Herbert Chitepo, Leopold Takawira had also died in detention whilst Ndabaningi Sithole had been sacked among many other factors. Notable main reasons pointed out by Yamamoto include, Old age, the poor economy, the succession problem, a pesky demographic problem and no more rewards to war veterans. The most interesting observation is that according to Yamamoto, Robert Mugabe, and ‘will be forced to retire-peacefully if he is lucky’.
However, the events which took shape in Zimbabwe particularly on the succession issue made Robert Mugabe’s demise evitable. The way Robert Mugabe handled or mishandled the succession issue led to his demise to a greater extent. Just like Yamamoto, l also need another day, another space to deal with the succession issue and the demise of Robert Mugabe. It is however true that there are many factors which can be addressed in dealing with the fall of Robert Mugabe like the introduction of madam Grace “Dr. Stop It” in politics in 2014, putting Zanu PF politics in the hands of Jonathan Moyo as a key adviser to affairs in the running of the party as he was more good at fueling confusion in their policies. With Jonathan Moyo, factionalism within the party also became more manifest than ever before among others. It also true that as the economic crisis was crumbling Robert Mugabe was more surrounded by the so-called young turks who were interested in money spending and projecting a popular Robert Mugabe which as rather a paradox. The likes of Jonathan Moyo, Saviour Kasukuwere, Patrick Zhuwao among other close associates of the G40 cabal will go down in history of Zimbabwe just like Grace Mugabe will likely to be put within the context of Chairmen Mao’s wife though differences can be identified. Yamamoto’s prediction is clear when he boldly notes that, here are five reasons why Robert Mugabe will not be President of Zimbabwe beyond December 2017.
Conclusion
Ken Yamamoto aptly deserves the kudos in offering cutting edge analysis on Zimbabwe’s former longtime president Robert Mugabe particularly his demise which many have made attempts to predict but without success. The UFIC founder and leader’s prediction still needs some other analysis as this only highlights some challenges when dealing with prophets in contemporary Zimbabwe. Is the criterion of prediction worth pursuing when dealing prophets? What is the role of the public intellectual in dealing with the status quo? In as much as Ken Yamamoto managed to have a prediction which came to pass, to some it is a wild guess hence creating challenges. It is notable that Emmerson Mnangagwa was not near any of the predictions made by any of the prophets. Being in diaspora and exile may need to be problematized to give Makandiwa credit for his prediction. This shall be addressed in another paper.

Brian Maregedze (MAFH candidate [UZ], B.A Special Honours in History [UZ], B.A.A Major in History and Religious Studies [UZ] is a young academic, historian writing in his own capacity. He also teaches undergraduate courses in African History at the University of Zimbabwe and also a High school consultant.

Friday 13 October 2017

CONGRESS SYSTEM [1814—1822] Examination Preparation Questions.

1: Why was the Congress System so short-lived?
2: Whose interests were best served by the Congress System between 1815 and 1822?
3: How accurate is the view that Vienna Congress was an instrument by which the stronger oppressed the weak? OR To what extent did the Great Powers use the Vienna Congress as instrument to suppress the interests of the smaller powers?
4:’ The Vienna Congress was dominated by the forces of continuity over the forces of change’’ How valid is this view of the Vienna Congress.
5:’’A Congress of property transfer, a recipe for future instability’’ How far do you agree with this view of the Vienna Congress?
6:’’The settlement reached at the Congress of Vienna was dominated by fear of French aggression’’ How far do you agree?
7: On balance, the successes of the Congress of Vienna outweighed its failures’’ Discuss this verdict.
8: To what extent did the Congress system between 1815 and 1823 seek to defend anything than the self-interest of the major European powers?
9: How and with what success to 1830, did the Congress of Vienna seek to achieve a balance of power in Europe?
10 How far was the Congress of Vienna the best settlement that was possible?
11: How fair is the criticism that the Congress System as it operated to 1825 was ‘’an instrument by which the strong oppressed the weak’’?
12: Whose interests were best served by the Congress System in the period 1815 to 1825?
13: How valid is the claim that the main aim of continental powers at the Vienna Congress was to ensure a balance of power among the Great powers?
14:’’A shameful example of self-interest’’ How justified is this description of the Vienna Settlement of 1815?
15: Examine the response of the big powers to the principles of nationalism and liberalism in the period 1815 to 1830.
16:’’The architects of Vienna Settlement were more concerned with the restoration of the European balance of power’’ Discuss.
17: How far did the Vienna Settlement show that the victorious powers were essentially rivals?
18: What does the Congress System reveal about the aims and problems of the major European powers between 1815 and 1822?
19: How significant were the threats to international peace during the period from the defeat of Napoleon in 1815 to 1830?
20: How far, and with what success, did the Vienna Settlement recognize the changes brought about in Europe between 1789 and 1814?
21: How valid is the claim that the true aim of the Congress of Vienna was nothing more than to divide among the victors then spoils of defeated?
22:’’ The statesmen at the Vienna congress were dealers in diplomatic market, bartering the happiness of millions with a scented smile’’ Discuss.
23: Is it true that the peace settlement of 1815 sought to embody the principles of reaction as the basis of European order?
24: Discuss the claim that the Congress System during the years 1815 to 1825 showed that the relations between the major powers was characterized more by distrust than common aims.
25: Great power politics rather principles played dominated the Vienna Congress’’ Discuss.
26: Why and with what success, did the Vienna Settlement lead to the suppression of nationalism in Europe between 1815 and 1830?
27:’’Conservative and not reactionary’’. How far did the Peace Settlement 1814-1816 deserve this description?
28: To what extent and with what success, did the framers of the treaty of Vienna of 1815, seek to restore political balance existing in the 18th century?
29: ‘’A happy union of principle and expediency ‘’ Discuss this assertion of the Vienna Settlement.
30: ’’ The Vienna Settlement in 1815 was a network of bargaining and negotiated compromises ‘’ How justified is this statement?
31: ’’ The Congress System is a misleading term; the major powers followed no system and showed little desire to settle their differences through Congresses’’ Discuss this view in the light of the events between 1815 and 1823.
33: ’’The Vienna Settlement of 1815 reflected the triumph of policies of the most reactionaries forces in Europe’’ How valid is this verdict?
34: Critically examine the view that the end of the Congress System of 1815-1825 was inevitable?

Monday 2 October 2017

The Restored Bourbon Monarchy (1815-1848) Notes




THE RESTORED BOURBON MONARCHY (1815-48) NOTES
© 2017, Brian Maregedze (Masters of Arts in African History candidate, B. A Special Honours in History [UZ], B.A major in History and Religious Studies [UZ]),
Teaching Assistant-Department of History, University of Zimbabwe,
High School Consultant

Soon after the downfall of Napoleon, European statesmen from Britain, Russia, Prussia and Austria met in Vienna the Austrian capital with the main objectives of deciding various issues related to restoration of peace in Europe, preventing the French aggression, redrawing the map of Europe among others. Prince Metternich of Austria became the dominant figure in deliberations which followed as far as the future of Europe was concerned especially on the case of France which was accused of being trouble makers in the European continent. A return to the old order in France that is the 1789 era prior to Napoleonic wars, conquest was imposed upon France by the victors that is the four major states who had formed, initiated the Vienna settlement in 1814. Questions which are vital and in need of attention will not only be focusing on the individuals who came to rule France by virtue of decisions made by the deciding powers, the big four as they are sometimes called but also to do challenges they encountered as a result of responses from the people of France who had experienced the merits of the French revolutionary ideals that is the tripartite of liberty, equality and fraternity. David Thomson refers to the reign of the Bourbon monarchy during this era as new wine in old bottles[1]. There is however, the need to interrogate what D. Thomson meant by new wine in old bottles and to what extent the Bourbon monarchy fit into this categorisation. These notes will also equip readers with a necessary account of key aspects on the Restored Bourbons (1815-1848), focusing on their background, successes and failures.


Louis XVIII and the Charter
Just as in Italy and Spain the defeat of Napoleon at Waterloo saw the resurrection of the Bourbon rule in France in the name of the Louis XVIII. He was a brother to Louis XVI and in attempt to ignore the period 1795-1814 refereed to 1814 as “the 19th year of our reign”. He implied that he had been ruling since 1795(the year in which Louis XVI’s son died in prison). He was to rule France for ten years and succeeded by his brother Charles X, who ruled until 1830.
Various groups of people in France felt that the return of the bourbon monarchy in France meant that the gains of the revolution and the Napoleonic period were under threat. The most important among then were the following;
Royalists/ultra-royalists- made up of the catholic clergy and the rich landed aristocracy and the émigrés. According Wilmont, the royalists because were loyal to the monarchy were intent on reasserting their former, authority and influence and regain their former status. They were led by Comte de Artois (Charles X), a royalist of the deepest age (A. Ramm), a hard-core royalist (Thomson), an ultra of the ultras (Richards), a royalist of the highest forum.
Liberals-these sought to defend all liberal concessions (constitutional rights, legal rights, all forms of liberties). These had been gained during the revolution and napoleon. They also after 1815 sought to prevent by any means necessary to prevent a return to the monarchical and absolutism rule in France.
Bonapartistes (the supporters of Napoleon and the Empire) who sought to reassert the empire and therefore called for the return of the empire. These had the nostalgic feeling of the Napoleonic Empire and the laglore it had brought to France. They were led by Louis Blanc and later Louis Napoleon later to become Napoleon III. Napoleon III was the first to challenge the cornerstones of the Vienna settlement in the 1860’s.
The republicans-like the liberals, republicans wanted to secure the constitutional and legal rights from the revolution and Napoleon I. on top of that and more importantly, they tasted republicanism during the revolution. They thought a republic as the best form of government and called for a return to republicanism.

Worrying characteristics of Louis XVIII
He was the king by the grace of the God. When he stated that 1814 was the year of our reign the rest of the groups thought that he was doing away with the gains of the revolution and napoleon. He said the preamble of the constitution was granted, “Voluntarily and by the free exercise of our royal authority”. This meant that he believed in the Divine rights of the kings and absolute rule, what the revolution had tried to abolish.
He adopted the title of the king of the French and Navarre thus he emphasized the traditional title and customs of his ancestors. He regarded the constitutional charter as a concession to the French people and not as a something that they so enjoy as a natural right.
He was faced with various groups with divergent interests. His main task was to adopt a conciliatory approach in which he would compromise the interest of these groups. In pursuing this middle of the road approach, he kept his motives about Devine rule away from the public and at the same time as a moderate constitutional monarchy hence breaking a new ground.
By ruling with a constitution, he represented a major breakthrough from tradition and thus silencing his critiques who that the return of the bourbon meant the return of the 18th century absolutism.
Charter of 1814
The policy document was drafted by the powers of Europe as a means of preventing the rise of a dominant force in France. It was enshrined with some of the very ideas that the revolution stood for amongst them the following: Equality before the law; civil liberties; freedom of conscience, arbitrary arrest and trial, worship and expression; political opinions and actions prior to 1814 must not be investigated; taxation according to wealth and not status, equality of opportunities in employment.
Parliament
It was bi-cameral having the chamber of deputies and of peers. The deputies were elected by voters. For one to be a voter the following were mandatory. One had to be over 39 years, pay 300 francs as direct taxes thereby giving francs a total of 90,000 voters. In order to be candidate one had to be forty years and above, pay 1000 francs as directly taxes and 12,000 citizens qualified. These provisions were heavily attacked by the republicans who demanded universal suffrage. They attacked it for creating a franchise which excluded the majority of the French out of political matters.
The King
He was the head of the executive. He was the solitary factor in proposing laws; chose ministers to form the government; could dissolve the chamber of deputies; commander of the armed forces; appointed judges; could declare war; could alter the electorate; could declare state of emergency and could create peers. The vote was restricted for the wealthy section of the populace. The king’s excessive executive powers were reduced with. D Thomson observes that the major weakness of French democracy after 1814 was France’s relative inexperience with working parliamentary institutions. This made France to be different from Britain. France parliamentary trades were only 25 years old in 1815.                                                                                                                                                      
The White Terror
When Napoleon escaped Elba in late 1815 and returned to France, most people especially the Bonapartists supported him. After his defeat in 1815 at Waterloo, the royalist carried a White Terror against those who had supported Napoleon. This violence and reprisal continued into 1816.The bourbon were really unable to restrain their supporters or even become part of the violence. As a result of the white terror, there was 29 peers chased away from the chamber, about 3.300 arrests without trial, 250 terror linked deaths and 18 Bonaparte’s generals were shot. In Paris Marshal Ney one of Napoleon’s generals “the bravest of the brave’’ was executed. In Avignon Marshal Bruce, another Napoleon general was shot. At his funeral his coffin was smashed open and his body was thrown into the river (Rhine) in France. In Marseilles, 50 Bonapartists were brutally butchered following news of Napoleon’s defeat at Waterloo.
The Chamber was populated with extreme Royalists who passed new press laws (November 1815) which made liberal newspapers liable prosecution. In May 1816 there was a Bonapartistes outbreak in Grenoble against these Ultra-excesses and Britain and Russia were concerned about events in France. This is when Louis XVIII decided to act. He dissolved the chamber in September 1816 and held fresh elections.
Between 1816 1nd 1820 the King with his Chief Ministers Richelieu who had replaced Talleyrand and after 1818 Decazes, adopted a moderate course between the subversive intentions of the Ultra Royalist (on the right) and the Extreme Liberal on the left. He had seen that the policy of the ultras of re-inventing the nation would lead the country into civil war and unrest.
Achievements of Louis XVIII                                           
The handling of the nation’s finances was skilful and it enabled France to pay, off indemnity. Because of this achievement, the army of occupation was withdrawn. Under Decazes censorships of the press was relaxed and the army was reformed along democratic lines .in 1817 the number of people who could vote were increased and this enabled the liberals to make electoral fanning. France was admitted into the Quintuple alliance.1823- French troops successfully restored Ferdinand VII to his throne.
The death of Duc du Berry
In February 1820 Duc de Berry a nephew of Louis XVIII, who was to succeed Louis XVII was stabbed to death (by a lunatic outside the Opera House in Paris) the murderer Louvel, was a Bonapartists. The event was an outrage to the ultras. They blamed Decazes for his moderate policies. The king was forced to dismiss Decazes and recall Richelieu. With Richelieu in office, policies moved once more from the left to the right as press censorship, political suspects for more than three months went to trial, electoral laws were passed in favour of the rich, secondary education was placed under the supervision of the church.
Richelieu was forced to resign in 1821 and was replaced by Villele who tightened press laws further. For example, it was a criminal offence to write or publish any article which had the chance of provoking public disturbance. In the election of 1824, more seats in the chamber of deputies fell from 110 to 19.In 1824 Louis XVIII died without fulfilling his desires of reconciling the royalists and liberal opinion. He found it difficult to restrain Artois and the forces of reaction. At least by the time of his death France had revived from the setbacks of the settlement and the terror.




Charles X, 1824-1830
Louis XVIII’s failure to contain the ultras notwithstanding, his reign was a great success. The success was due to the good sense when he appointed ministers in accord with their swings of opinion reflected in the charter; while at the same time managing to avoid the extremes of political emotion. He was succeeded by his brother Charles x who was 67 years old. He inherited a stable and prosperous country in which the immediate difficulties of the bourbon had been effectively weathered.
D Thomson comments that he was succeeded by an ‘unstatesman like brother’ who relinquished the throne after a six year reign. Charles was to fall in 1830 not only because of the revolution but also by a combination of Ultra-Royalist principles and extreme religious policies which violated the constitution. Charles X showed that he had learnt nothing from the revolution and Napoleon. He was a catholic at heart and a well-known reactionary. He insisted on being crowned at Rheims Cathedral for five hours in 1825. This was a traditional and medieval tradition which had not been employed since in 1775. Thus he was recalling the ancient relationship between the crown and the church, a tradition the revolution of 1789 had fought to destroy.
Unlike Louis XVIII who sought to compromise, he adopted a conciliatory policy; Charles X was bent on repairing the “massive damage done by the Revolution and Napoleon”. He is reported to have said that, “It will never be my intention to compromise. Over my dead body, compromise brought down my brother Louis XVI”.
His first task was to encourage Villele to start to restore the ancient tradition of authority of the church. As a result sacrilege was a crime punishable by death. As a contrast to Napoleon’s rule the church was given back its tight control of education and the Jesuits.
Liberals critics were attacked and silenced; publishers and journalists were prosecuted and imprisoned. The émigrés received compensation for their lost lands and those who had gained the lands of the nobilities and church were taken away. The middle class and liberals were angered when Villele introduced the censorship in 1827; the gaggling of the press. Again the fact that the émigrés had been compensated with public money was outrageous to many French especially the taxpayers. This influenced an inflationary environment angering the middleclass businessmen and sacred away the investors.
The new elections resulted in a majority that was hostile to Villele. Charles responded by dismissing Villele in 1828 and chose Martignac who was more moderate and was dismissed before he could celebrate his first anniversary as chief minister. He was replaced by Polignac in 1829. This appointment meant that the king could overthrow the constitution. He is reported to have said, “I would rather chop wood than rule in the fashion of the king of England”.
According to Thomson and Watson not only was Polignac an ultra of the extravagant type, therefore a natural enemy of the liberals, but he claimed to have seen the visions of virgin Mary who guided his policy .this was strongly  detested by the anti-clerical. In 1830 the assembly decided that Polignac should resign, Charles responded by dismissing the assembly and suspending the constitution. Opposition against Charles and his government grew towards1830. Liberal publication condemned catholic revival. Church buildings and anti-clerical demos were widespread.
After suspending the constitution, Charles issued the ordinance of St Cloud (July 1830) which was a set of his intended solutions to the crisis. The ordinance spelt out even stricter censorship of the men. A new assembly was to be elected by very few rich people. Only about 0.1% of the population qualified to vote. Therefore got out of hand a few days after issuing the ordinance and he abdicated the throne.
An analysis of the Bourbon Monarchy 
While Louis XVIII had the political; foresight, his brother Charles lacked political imagination. Thomson has referred the bourbon monarchy as an example of new wine in old bottles. Another cause for the failure of the bourbon monarchy was the quality of the ministers who served them. They were men of the old order for example Richelieu, Martignac, Polignac. While it is true to a larger extent that the bourbon had learnt nothing and forgotten nothing, though the statement is not wholly justifiable. To a larger extent Charles X had learnt nothing. He had not learnt the lesson that in the 19th century constitutional liberties and representative government was not to be substituted with material progress. Louis VXIII had learnt that Napoleon was popular.
Louis XVIII had learnt that Napoleon I was popular because he comprised.  He had also learned that there was need to reconcile the monarchical rule/ royal power and parliamentary/constitutional democracy. He thus chose able ministers who brought economic recovery unlike Charles whose ministers destroyed it. Charles had learned that sound policy was cemented with an advantageous foreign policy. He completed the conquest of Algeria in 1830(the beginning of the colonial empire in Africa).
The bourbon monarchy collapsed because it sought to find comfort in nationalism and not liberalism. Charles X and his minister Polignac lacked the vision or capability of the political requirements of their positions. His chief mistake was that he alienated the traditional classes with his traditional coronation at Rheims and his extreme pro-catholic policies and the compensation of the émigrés and the gaggling if the press. His fatal error was to first create a reactionary ministry with Polignac and secondly to issue the Ordinance of Saint Claud which proved to be the last kicks of the dying horse.
One historian, W Fortescue, Revolution and the Counter Revolution in France (1988) states that, “through his political incompetence, Charles X lost one of Europe’s most glorious throne and most beautiful kingdom”.
Liberal revolution of 1830
The year 1830 was the year of revolution in France, Belgium, Italy, Poland, Spain and Portugal. They were different from the events of the 1820’s which were merely national risings led by military groups while the in the 1830’s were never liberal revolts led by broader elements of wealthy middle class. They were directed towards the reactionary conservative policies after 1815. They had two things in common, they sought to overthrow and bring the government closer to the people.
Revision questions
i.                    Compare and contrast Louis xviii and Charles X’s policies between 1815 and 1830.
ii.                  Why was Louis xviii more successful that his Brother Charles X?
iii.                Examine the reforms of Charles X between 1824 and 1830.
iv.                What were the causes of the 1830 revolution in France?

The July Revolution in France
The 1830 revolution in Paris
The major cause of the revolution in France was the Ultra-Conservative government of Charles X.  The immediate cause was the issuing of the five Ordinances of Saint Claud in July of that year. The Paris working class responded by erecting barricades, waved the tri-0color of the revolution and sang revolutionary songs. They were led by Adolph Thiers, Guizot and Lafitte. On 24 July demonstrators seized the Hotel de Ville. The soldiers proved powerless and fell to the revolutionaries.
At that time no-one wanted the Bourbon Monarchy anymore. Many demanded the setting up of the Republic as they remembered the republic of 1792 that disposed the monarchy of Louis VXI. Charles X abdicated in favour of his grandson Comte de Chambord (King Henry V) but none wanted him. According to Thomson the fall of the Bourbon Monarchy was achieved without the shading any drops of blood. It was a bloodless revolution just like the Glorious Revolution of 1688.
After the fall of the monarchy the revolutionaries were divided as to what form of the government was to be adopted. The bourgeoisie wanted to set up a constitutional monarchy. They did not want a republic and the equality with the masses, under the leadership of Lafayette (74 years). Liberals under Thiers wanted a liberal government and to make the Duke of Orleans king. They feared that if France was to turn to Republicanism the powers of Europe would intervene to restore the bourbon monarchy.
Louis Phillipe agreed to rule as a constitutional monarchy. He was the descended from a young brother of Louis VXI. This would mean that he would satisfy the republic ideas and the royalists. His background also attracted the poor as he had known poverty and exile. He promised that he would be a citizen king and observe the constitutional liberties. He was proclaimed, “The king of the French by the Grace of God and the Will of the Nation”. He was to compromise between royalist authority and republican ideas and also divergent demands of various other political groups. The reign was marked with contradictions from the start; on one hand as the citizen king as promised while on the other hand professed royal authority (meaning that he would require all his abilities to balance both tracts).

Revolution in Belgium
The July revolution in France stimulated revolt in Belgium. The Belgians revolted against the Dutch in a complete rejection of the Vienna settlement. The revolt was driven by the national desire for self-rule (independence) against the rule of William I. The Belgians main source of discontent included’
a)      They wanted equal representation in the parliament yet they outnumbered the Dutch by 2:1.
b)      Dutch interest was given priority over the Belgian even though the Dutch were the minority.
c)      The Dutch were Protestants while the Belgians were Catholics.
The Dutch troops were driven away by the Belgians and in October 1830 the provisional government was proclaimed with the independence of Belgium. A new constitution was established in 1831(the most liberal in Europe. the parliament was to choose the king who became Leopold I who ruled for thirty four years with skill. The Dutch invaded Belgium in 1831 but were repulsed by the forces of Louis Philippe.

Reign of Louis Philippe
Why Louis’ government was a benefit of the doubt
He was accepted because it was felt that he represented the interests of the broad section of the French society. He had true hereditary claim to the throne, monarchist found him to be a good alternative to the bourbon monarchy. He was associated with the revolution therefore pleasing the revolutionaries and the Bonapartist. He had participated at the battle of Jemappes against the Austrians. He was a seasonal critic of the appointment of Charles X and therefore a favourite of the liberals. He retained his name Louis Philippe than being labelled Louis XIX or Philippe VII. Historical habits and appearance associated him with the middle class a factor that was to make his reign knotty.

Domestic policy
In education the government did make some sound achievements. In 1833, a law was passed by Guizot whereupon primary schools were set up in every commune and colleges to train teachers. Schooling was made free, but not compulsory so that by 1847, the number of primary schools increased from 33,000 to 43,000. In order to please the Catholics could now teach but secondary education was anti-clerical. It was a preserve of the state.
The Constitution of 1830 was revised. In the new constitution the king had the right to suspend laws taken and rule by decree, the parliament could now propose laws. The number of voters was revised giving France a franchise of 200 000 voters. However this change was not enough since only 3 % of population could vote. Therefore Louis’ intention by increasing the franchise was to please the liberals and republics, but failed to meet their demands.
Freedom of worship was guaranteed and censorship of the press was abolished. He wanted to do away with the old tradition of giving Catholicism a privilege also wished to please anti clericals. This meant that Catholicism was no longer the religion of the state as it used to be, but was now merely taken as a religion “practiced by the majority of the Frenchmen”.
The advantage of Louis from the beginning was that he tried to do away with absolutism and pro-clerical tendencies typical of the Bourbon Monarchy. At the same time he guaranteed civic liberties and order. To a reasonable extent his regime managed to hold a balance between liberty and order on one hand and constitutionalism and authority on the other.
Like the ministers of Charles X, those who served Louis were moved by malice, greed and self-interests. According to Watson, the ministers showed little interests, if any, in the problem facing the Frenchmen. The middle class and liberals were bitter that the vote was not extended to reasonable levels.
Louis economic policy under Guizot was of lasses faire (non interference with activists of employers and businessman). The factory law (1841) had little ripple effects as the government was given no legal basis to inspect factories. As a result most workers suffered (poor working conditions and low wages). Lack of the government intervention resulted in extreme corruption, graft, exploitation and political “chickenery”. While the laissez faire policy pleased the middle class and businessman, it was a hell on earth to the working class. In a period of prosperity the working suffered as proved by the poor living standards. This gave an impetus to the ideas of socialism to thrive in France.
Bored by the policies of Louis many political groups rose against him. Following the footsteps of his predecessors, he thought that repression was the best method, press censorship was re-introduced (1834) and trade unionism was repressed. The Bonapartists strongly opposed him and drew their inspiration from the Napoleonic legend. They looked back to the glorious days of Napoleon I and contrasted it to the inactive and unadventurous foreign policy. Louis lacked political insight when he brought back the remains of napoleon back to France from St Helena. He thought this would please them but reawakened Bonaparte’s in the country.
The legitimists regarded Louis as a sell-out who could be replaced by a bourbon king. They tried but failed in 1832 to rise against Louis. The republicanism received a wider appeal from the poorer classes. To these people, it offered social justice and addressed labour problems which Louis was failing to do. In 1831, workers demonstrated against Louis as unemployment, inflation and poor working conditions. In Lyon, it was reported that industrial workers were earning eating their shoes and work suits according to T.K. Derry.
Frustration forced that people to act against the king. No less than six attempts were made on his life. Wilmot observed that political frustration was one of the factors which brought down Louis Philippe. But to a smaller extent Guizot’s economic policy promoted some degree of economic problems. Though there was vigorous railway construction and industrial expansion.
Conclusion
Louis’ domestic policy reveals massive contradictions which characterized his eighteen year reign. All French were bored by his conduct and even his habits of lightening his own fire, shaving his own beard and walking in the streets with nothing serve for his umbrella. His problems were twofold; he tried to please various political groups but in the end failed to please none. Secondly, he was unfortunate to have ruled during the era of massive economic problems hence the people shouted that, “he was worse than Charles X”.


Foreign Policy
Like the domestic policy it was disastrous as it failed to please anyone. Only in Algeria did he attempt to make a bid to bring glory to France. The Bonapartists were thirsty for a ruler who would follow the footsteps of Napoleon I and bring back military greatness. The inglorious foreign policy led to his downfall. He followed a peaceful policy for the benefit of the middleclass. It was also targeted at befriending the major powers like Britain. In doing so his demise was spelt out.
Louis and Algeria
The conquest of Algeria was started by Charles X. In the 1830’s the French fought against the Byes of Algeria. Louis was to complete the conquest. This adventure was meant to silence his critics who believed that would not do what other countries were doing, the attainment colonies. Antony Wood alludes to the effect that the conquest failed to awaken any patriotic or nationalistic feeling. It actually fuelled opposition due to the war expenses, the viciousness of the fighting i.e. the death of troops. In any event few had any desire towards colonies at that time. Most people regarded colonies as burdensome and expensive to maintain. Colonies were to be essential in 1880’s. Lamartine a poet commented that, “France is bored”.
Louis and Mahomet Ali of Egypt
For those who were hungry for foreign glory, the Mahomet affair was another serious blow. Ali was ruling Egypt on behalf of the Turks hence a vassal of Turkey. Ali stepped in to help his Turkish overlords on condition that he would be given Syria as compensation. His army had been trained by the French, who sought to protect Egypt. The French were fascinated by Egypt since Napoleon I fought there in the 1790’s. So the French had common interests in Egypt which was a traditional French sphere.
In 1839, war between Ali and Turkey broke out. Turkish armies were defeated at Belen Pass and Konia. The British under Palmerstone showed little interests in intervening in the near east. With no help coming from the English Channel. The Sultan looked to Russian tsar Nicholas I who send his troops to Turkey. Watson commented that Britain and France became too worried about the Tsar’s intentions, pressed the sultan to come to terms with Ali and send the Russians home. In the Kuala Treaty, Ali was given Syria but Ali was to respect the Sultan’s over lordship. Ali was not pleased with the treaty. He wanted complete independence from the Sultan. War broke out again, Turkey was defeated, seeing that their interests were threatened Russia and Britain stepped in to help. France refused to join the coalition and went ahead supporting Ali. Theirs who was chief minister wanted war against the coalition if they continue with their object ruining Ali. Palmerstone ignored this as an empty threat and continued to work with tsar and defeated Ali.
The conflict was part of the ongoing Eastern Question. It showed how much Louis was a feeble politician. At the height of the crisis France was isolated and unable to act in defence of his interests and ally. He went on to fire Thiers thus Wilmot stated that he burdened himself with the communication of a resounding diplomatic defeat. He showed that he was too weak to pursue a diplomatic policy and therefore played second fiddle to the British and Russians.
Instead of pleasing those who wanted foreign glory he annoyed them. The events served to illustrate how inconsistent and contradictory Louis’ foreign policy was. Scholars are content that it was shabby, boring, dull and unattractive. After encouraging Ali he withdrew from Egypt when they needed help the most.
Louis and Belgium  
The Belgians were against the Dutch in 1830 in attack of the reactionary policies of 1815. To the French thus was a splendid opportunity for Louis to step in and help the Belgians especially the Catholics. Besides the fact that the Belgians were Catholics, they were a traditional sphere of influence after being conquered by Napoleon. Louis refused to annex but sought British aid in working out the independence of Belgium. He even refused to accept the invitation of his son to be the king. Britain jumped in and Leopold I became the king.
It is clear that Louis was adopting a cautious policy, always playing second to the English since he was afraid of annoying the great powers who might work against him. This was to ruin and cost his throne. Therefore he had been described as a little boy under the supervision of his father. By accepting being a yes man he disappointed the French. He refused aid to the polish and Italy in 1831.


Louis and Tahiti
The July monarchy was good at quarrelling. But according to one dictum, good things are better, done than said. In 1843 Louis had a candid talk with the British over the island of Tahiti. He had sent a group of French catholic missionaries and later declared Tahiti a French sphere of influence (protectorate). It was a symbol of his frustration with the English policy under Palmerstone. This led to the arrest of the British missionaries and the consul. The British strongly condemned the act and forced the French to release him as soon as possible and on top of that the payment of damages.
 The Tahiti incident reflects how much Louis feared Britain and could do anything to please them. He failed to please anyone except himself, even the intended beneficiaries. Lovers of military glory complained bitterly and even asked the question, who is ruling France, Britain or Louis?
The Spanish marriages 1846
His activities in Spain showed that his foreign policy had no strategy and ideas. Palmerstone had done everything to humiliate France in general anytime he so wished. In 1848 a new government in London led to improved relations between the two nations. Thiers was replaced by Guizot. Negotiations were proceeding accordingly in search of a husband for the young Queen of Spain. But in 1846 Palmerstone returned to office and intended to arrange the marriage of Isabella and Infanta. Isabella was to marry someone directly linked to the British crown, hence attempted to obstruct the French candidate.
In order to outmanoeuvre the English Louis arranged that one of his twelve sons Antoine to marry the queen’s young sister Infanta with Isabella marrying her cousin. The cousin was an ageing Spaniard believed to be impotent. Louis hoped that in the future an Orleanist monarchy would rise and rule Spain since Isabella was expected to have no children. At that time it seemed as if Louis Phillipe had scored and French deserved the diplomatic points. The marriages according to Watson, the marriages were the last activity of Louis’ foreign policy. The diplomatic victory proved to be hollow as Isabella wedded separately and was to have nine children including Alfonse XVI who gained the throne in 1875 ensuring the continuation of her family line.



Louis and Charles compared
Both lost due to failure to adhere to the wishes of the masses hence lost out on their support and confidence of a significant sector of the population mostly the middle class. They were caught off guard by the strength of the outburst of opposition. But Charles had lees excuse since he attempted a coup de tat, whereas Guizot had only forbidden the reform banquets.
The two rulers had sought to escape in abdication in favour of a grandchild, neither of who was to rule. However the working class in1848 was more powerful and very articulate than they had been in 1830. The economy was far more developed in the 1840’s that during the reign of Charles X.
Collapse of the July Monarchy
a)      Economic conditions
Louis Phillipe had inherited a crumpling economy which had been messed by the radical policies of Charles X.  Economic recession had begun in 1826, persisted till 1832 or later. There were grain shortages, rising inflation and unemployment. For the commons transition from Bourbon rule to the Orleanist rule did not bring any significant changes. Various groups failed to achieve their aims hence were in consistent conflict with government of Phillipe for example the workers strikes in La Vendee as they demanded reforms.
b)      Demands of the working class
The working class was the most aggrieved by the stagnant economic policies which satisfied the middle classes. The workers called for lower prices, higher wages, and shorter working hours. The attempted national workshops were half hearted as they ended in total failure. The government responded by revoking oppressive laws which banned unlawful assembly and unleashing the army and police on strikes and demonstrations. Instead the government should have found ways of improving the plight of the worker. His failure proved to be a fundamental point to his downfall.




c)      Growth of Republicanism and Liberalism
They employed scathing propaganda to attack the government of Louis and its supporters. Republicanism grew and gained support mainly from workers suffering economic recession. But new repressive laws silenced the republicans. The workers were inspired by the work of Louis Blanc the editor of the L’Organisation du Travail, a socialist newspaper which preached the need for reform. The liberals were demanding the extension of the civil liberties while republicans wanted increase in the franchise and a republican state. Other influential socialist writers were St Simon and Proudhon who advocated for various means of dealing with the increasing unemployment by the state taking control of the means of production.
d)     Poor harvests of 1846-7
The harvest failures showed how France was vulnerable to economic recession. Hungry thugs and mobs demonstrated increasingly against the government. The workers were the most active since their wages were no longer able to sustain a decent lifestyle. So it was a period of economic progress yet there was dwindling living standards. The poor harvests prove the old adage that a hungry man is an angry man.
e)      Reform banquets
During the 1840’s almost all the disgruntled groups within France were now in favour of republicanism. In the streets people gathered clamouring for a number of reforms.  The workers were driven by the failure of the national workshops introduced following the ideas of Louis Blanc. The program led to increased taxation thereby becoming unpopular. Richards sums up the situation as the offering the working classes to join the revolution or form an army against the government. Louis resorted to use repressive measures by unleashing the National Guard under General Cavaignac upon the reformers. This led to the outbreak of the 1848 Revolutions hence Seaman concludes that, “the 1848 revolution in France began by incident and elsewhere by excitement”.
Faced with these problems Louis abdicated in favour of his cousin by the revolutionaries adopted a republican state. The Bonapartists were affected by the inglorious foreign policy, Liberals wanted a further extension of civil liberties, Republicans desired for the widening of the electorate with the removal of voter qualifications, Monarchist and Legitimist wanted a real bourbon leader and also argued that Louis was not the legitimate ruler. All these factors and an unpopular foreign policy made his downfall inevitable. A provisional government was put in place and drafted a new constitution which made France a republican.
Revision Questions
i.                    How liberal was the government of Louis Philippe?
ii.                  Louis Philippe had nothing but good intentions for France. If this was so, why did he fell from power in 1848?
iii.                Evaluate the domestic and foreign policies of Louis Philip end up to 1848?
iv.                It was not what he did but what he failed to that brought about his end. Is this a valid assessment of the downfall of the July monarchy in 1848?
v.                  Examine why all the opposition groups in France against Philippe voted for a republic in 1848?
vi.                Discuss the main causes of the revolution of 1848 in France?



[1] David Thomson, Europe Since Napoleon, Penguin Books, 1966, page 146