Sunday, 2 January 2022

A Brief Summary of the French Revolution

 

By Brian Maregedze and Vincent Chenzi

The French Revolution took place in France between 1789 and 1799 and as largely characterised by political instability, violent demonstrations, social anarchy and widespread killings. It officially began on the 14th of July 1789 when the Bastille or symbol of the French ancient regime, was ransacked by violent mobs. Throughout the French Revolution, the King, Louis XVI and the Queen, Marie-Antoinette and about 40,000 people were brutally murdered. However, there was also a positive side about the revolution. That is to say, the Declaration of the Rights of Man and Citizen was formally adopted in August 1789 and it abolished feudalism.

 

The French Revolution could largely be traced with a government financial crisis, which quickly became a movement of reform and violent change throughout the country. In one of the historic events, a crowd in Paris captured the Bastille, a royal fortress and hated symbol of oppression. A series of elected legislatures then took control of the government. King Louis XVI and his wife, Marie Antoinette, were executed. Thousands of others met the same fate in a period known as the Reign of Terror. The revolution ended when Napoleon Bonaparte, a French general, took over the government.

At the beginning of the revolution, unfolding events seemed minor and proceeded in a logical fashion. One of the reasons the revolution originated was the discontent of France’s lower and middle classes. By law, society was broadly divided into three groups called estates. The first estate was made of up the clergy, whilst the nobles comprised the second and the rest of the citizens consisted of the third estate. The third estate greatly resented certain advantages of the first two estates. The clergy and nobles did not have to pay the bulk of the taxes. On the other hand, the third estate, especially the peasants, had to provide almost all the country’s tax revenue. Many members of the middle class were also worried by their social status.

They were among the most important people in the French society but were not recognized as such because they belonged to the third estate. Durant claimed that the, “Financial crisis developed because the nation had gone deeply into debt to finance the Seven Years War (1756-1763) and the Revolutionary War (1775-1783).” The Parliament of Paris insisted that the King Louis XVI could only borrow more money or raise more taxes only by calling a meeting of the estates-general. However, the estates-general meeting was made up of representatives of the three estates and had last met in 1614. Unwillingly, the king called the meeting. The estates-general opened on May 5 1789 at Versailles. The first two estates wanted each estate to take up matters and vote on them separately by estate. The third estate had has many representatives as the other two combined. It insisted that all the estates had to be merged into one national assembly and that each representative had one vote.

Furthermore, the third estate wanted the estates-General to draft a constitution. Unfortunately, the king and the first two estates refused the demands of the third estate. In June 1789, the representatives of the third estate declared themselves the National Assembly of France. Louis the XVI then allowed the three estates to join together as the National Assembly. Soon after, he began to gather troops around Paris to break up the Assembly. Meanwhile, the masses of France also took action. On the 14th of July 1789, a huge crowd of Parisians rushed to the Bastille. They believed they would find arms and ammunition there for use in defending themselves against the king’s army.

The people captured the Bastille and began to tear it down. At the same time, spontaneous peasant uprisings were also taking place throughout the countryside. The king’s removal led to a new stage in the revolution. The first stage had been a liberal middle-class reform movement based on a constitutional monarchy. The second stage was organized around principles of democracy. The National Convention opened on the 21st of September 1792, and it declared France a republic. Louis XVI was placed on trial for betraying the country. The National Convention found him guilty of treason and a slim majority voted for the death-penalty. The king was beheaded on the guillotine on the 21st of January 1793. Afterwards, the revolution gradually grew more radical-that is, more open to extreme and violent change. Radical leaders came into prominence. In the Convention, they were known as the mountain because they sat on the high benches at the rear of the hall during meetings. Leaders of the Mountain were Maximilien Robespierre, Georges Jacques Danton, and Jean Paul Marat. The Mountain dominated a powerful political club called the Jacobin Club. Woloch further stated that, “Growing disputes between the Mountain and the Gironde led to a struggle for power, and the Mountain won. In June of 1793, the Convention arrested the leading Girondists. In turn, the Girondists’ supporters rebelled against the Convention. One of these supporters assassinated Marat in July 1793.”

This was the most horrific period of the revolution. The Convention’s leaders included Robespierre, Lazare Carnot, and Bertrand Barere. The Convention declared a policy of terror against rebels, supporters of the king, and anyone else who vehemently disagreed with official policy. According to Woloch, “In time, hundreds of thousands of suspects filled the nation’s jails. Courts handed down about 18,000 death sentences in what was called the Reign of Terror. Paris became accustomed to the rattle of two-wheeled carts called tumbrels as they carried people to the guillotine.” In time, the radicals began to struggle for power among themselves. Robespierre succeeded in having Danton and other former leaders executed. Many people in France wanted to end the Reign of Terror, the Jacobin dictatorship, and the democratic revolution. Robespierre’s enemies in the Convention finally conspired against him for being a tyrant on 29th of July 1794. They executed him the following day. With Robespierre’s death, the Reign of Terror ended.

Afterwards, the Convention, which had adopted a democratic constitution in 1793, replaced that document with a new one in 1795. The government formed under this new constitution was called the Directory. France was still a republic, but once again, only citizens who paid a certain amount of taxes could vote. The Directory began meeting in October 1795. In October 1799, several political leaders plotted to overthrow the Directory. They needed military support and turned to Napoleon Bonaparte, a French general who had become a hero during a military campaign in Italy in 1796 and 1797. Bonaparte seized control of the government on November 9, 1799, ending the revolution. Napoleon would restore order to the French people with such significant achievements as his Code Napoleon.

10 lessons in Pursuit Of Purpose (P.O.P)


By Brian Maregedze

It is undisputed that 2020 and 2021 have not been easy years, at least to most people globally. Although the outbreak of the novel Coronavirus (Covid-19) has been a serious challenge, the question on our purpose as humanity on earth equally demands important moments of reflection. There are at least 10 lessons l found intriguing and worth sharing after reading Ralph Kadurira’s 2018 publication, 109 Pursuit Of Purpose (P.O.P) Aphorisms published under Mind Blowers Publishers.  Drawing lessons from philosophical and biblical teachings, it is vital to note the following lessons;

1.       Everyone is uniquely designed for a purpose

It is under uncertain times that hope is lost. Why are you on earth? Why are you alive? From a functionalist entry point, Ralph is noticeably clear that everyone is uniquely designed for a purpose.” This is so because purpose goes beyond financial gain but guarantees a life full of meaning.

2.      Discover your purpose

Everyone must discover her/his purpose. It is that which you already have.  What you only need is to DISCOVER your purpose. It is not going to be easy for you to sacrifice and do what ever it takes to succeed be it academically or in extra-curricular activities if you don’t know purpose. Reading Ralph Kadurira’s books is vital in the quest for a #purposedriven life.

3.      Be passionate about what you do

Citing other writers on passion, it is noted that, “You have to be burning with an idea, or a problem, or a wrong that you want to right. If you’re not passionate enough from the start, you’ll never stick it out.”-Steve Jobs

With passion, one can courageously move mountains. The struggle may be there, but it is all confronted with zeal and burning energy. Candidates writing the public examinations under the Zimbabwe School Examinations Council (ZIMSEC) undoubtedly are uncertain about the prospects of excellent results. Writing examinations under Covid-19 compounded by a long year without having proper learning environment isn’t an easy task.  

4.      Constancy of purpose

Under the principle of constancy of purpose, long-term thinking and improvement is vital in the life of every learner. Gesturing towards the greater good and results must be upheld. 2020/21 may have been a challenging year, but remaining in touch with constancy of purpose is crucial. By being consistent in continuous study and sharing knowledge, it is possible to excel resoundingly.

 


5.      Focus

Efforts have been made before to stall the public examinations in Zimbabwe but with no success. Instead of listening to gossip and rumours on whether the public examinations in Zimbabwe are still to be written or not, FOCUS in reading, revising, and making sure you know all your material is vital. Ralph Kadurira is very apt when he notes that, “purpose will not allow you to engage in unnecessary talk.” As you pursue your purpose, don’t allow yourself to be drawn into social media fake news but rather FOCUS on your GOALS. More notable is that those the purpose driven don’t have time to fall for distractions. Beyond public examinations, those who pursue purpose remain FOCUSED.

6.      Be responsible!

It is easy for some learners in 2020/21 to say that they are likely to fail due to the pandemic, lack of resources to learn, lack of access to resource persons as classroom instructors among other reasons. However, it must be acknowledged that it is your RESPONSIBILITY by all means to fight and win. The Zimbabwe crises have manifested variously over the past two decades, but they must make important decisions in life, to exit your excuses and BE RESPONSIBLE.

 

7.      Eat that frog!

Instead of ONLY being a planner and a schemer, ACT on your plans. Many at times learners write and read the timetable daily but without being faithful to the timetable. Whenever one is studying, it is easier to read, revise on familiar topics rather than to take up challenging topics.  Brian Tracy wrote, Eat that Frog! to promote an action driven plan in everyday life. In P.O.P, it is a recurring theme to take up challenges and be ACTION oriented.

8.      Law of attraction

If you ACT on that which you love, it is possible to find volunteers who support your cause or your purpose in life. The story of Mind Blowers Children’s Fund started by Ralph Kadurira is a typical example. This initiative had other supporting hands because Ralph was equally able to take ACTION in offering a giving hand to those in need.  You are responsible for changing the course of your LIFE if you take the right steps.

 

9.      Associate with the RIGHT people

Reading P.O.P closely, the power of association is related to the biblical story of Mary and Elizabeth who shared similar purpose. Reading the biblical book of Luke is instructive on the story of Mary and Elizabeth. Away from the bible, the power of association is made clear. Who do you play around with? Association comes with influence for the better while to some, it may result in catastrophic life decisions. In 109 P.O.P, Bishop David Abioye is cited saying, “Association is vital to every man in pursuit and fulfilment of destiny. Who you follow determines what follows you. Where you stand determines how and what you view.”

 

10.   Don’t settle for less

Aiming higher and chasing excellence is key to pursue and unlock your purpose.

 

 

Friday, 24 December 2021

Traditional Leaders and good governance in Zimbabwe

 

By Brian Maregedze

The Family & Religious Studies advanced levels paper one (November-December, 2021) has an interesting question which reads, ‘To what extent do traditional leaders uphold good governance?.’ The three keywords are, ‘upholding good governance’ since framing of good governance is contested in legal, religious, and political spaces. The first decade of Zimbabwe’s independence had the state mild, if not hostile to traditional leaders due to colonial rule experiences, where some chiefs were labelled collaborators in favour of the oppressive settler regime. However, the Robert Mugabe led administration warmed up to traditional leaders around the late 199os and this coincides with the rise of a formidable opposition, civil society, and trade unionism critical of the government.

In the early 1980s, traditional leaders were perceived as anti-nationalists since some of them were arguably beneficiaries of the oppressive settler regime. Lazarus Nzarayebani, then MP for Mutare South cited by Ranger (2001:47), said:

“At Independence in 1980, we did revolutionarily so well. Ours was change; change in administration of our public affairs and public lives… Some institutions where necessary must simply be allowed to wither away. One of these institutions might be chieftainship.”

Ironically, the government, led by Robert Mugabe went on to pursue the same strategies of incentivising traditional leaders, buying luxurious cars, making sure they have access to electricity in their rural homes, among other ‘luxuries.’ 

Key functions of traditional leaders as outlined by the constitution of Zimbabwe, section 282 (1) are;

1.        promoting and upholding the cultural values of their communities,

2.      facilitating development,

3.      administering communal lands.

4.      They are also charged with protecting the environment,

5.      resolving disputes in their communities, and exercising any other functions conferred or imposed on them by an act of Parliament.

On the other hand, traditional leaders are prohibited from doubling in partisan politics by the constitution of the land, furthering interests of any political party or cause.

In 1997, the United Nations Development Programme (UNDP) listed characteristics of good governance as including participation of citizens, rule of law, transparency, responsiveness, consensus orientation, equity, accountability, and strategic vision. Jeffrey Kurebwa uses three main lenses to account for good governance by traditional leaders, that is;

1. Advisory role to government and participation in the administrations of rural areas.

2. Developmental role, complementing government’s efforts in mobilizing rural communities in implementing developmental projects, sensitizing them on health issues such as HIV/AIDS, promoting education, encouraging economic enterprises, inspiring respect for the law and urging participation in the electoral process.

3. Conflict resolution.

Some of the traditional leaders who in the past have been on the spotlight for publicly declaring their political party allegiance include Chief Fortune Charumbira. More notable is a study undertaken by Rukuni (2015) in Bikita District confirming that 94 percent of traditional leaders in the district were politically aligned to the ruling ZANU-PF and were using their positions to punish those who belonged to opposition political parties. Chief Serima from Gutu is also known to have been critical of the constitution of Zimbabwe in regard to the rights of chiefs in choosing a political leader of their choice. Chief Serima believes it violates their individual rights. Therefore, it remains a contested topic since constitutionally; it is prohibited for chiefs to be partisan while they are some who have the full conviction that it is in violation of their rights like any other citizen in Zimbabwe.

Image: Chief Fortune Charumbira


Zimbabwe’s highly polarised political environment exacerbates the situation of traditional leaders with those who question government policies as they are conveniently labelled opposition party mouth-pieces, sell-outs, traitors and, in some cases, viewed as threats to national security. Chief Nhlanhlayemangwe Ndiweni of Ntabazinduna belongs to those who are labelled negatively in state narratives. To his supporters, he is viewed as a victim of the state for being apolitical.

On another note, traditional leaders also play a crucial role as custodians of culture by promoting the adherence of sacred days in rural areas, enforcing matters relating to environmental and civic regulations. The Emmerson Mnangagwa led administration has also faced criticisms from ‘fearless’ chiefs, such as Chief Murinye for arguably not arresting corrupt politicians. However, the same Chief Murinye arguably doubles in partisan politics, which shows that some chiefs support ruling regimes. All in all, the extent to which traditional chiefs uphold good governance becomes complex, especially in a polarised political environment such as Zimbabwe.

For feedback, email; bmaregedze@gmail.com

 

Wednesday, 18 November 2020

Trace the Ndebele origins and migration to the present-day Zimbabwe and the importance of such a migration.

 

By T. Zhou and B. Maregedze*

The key issue is to draw lessons from the origins and migrations of the Ndebele until their eventual establishment in the South Western parts of Zimbabwe. In other words, at A Level, this is not the time to merely narrate the course of events in Mzilikazi’s migration with the Ndebele from South Africa. Rather, it’s time to reflect on those narratives and draw lessons. A competent student could be quickly reminded of the various myths about the Ndebele state during this period of migration and lead the readers into the ‘actual realities’ about the Ndebele. This is the interpretation that is going to be used in this essay. That, however, is not the only way to interpret this question. It is only important that at the end of the essay, there must be important lessons learnt out of tracing Ndebele origins and migration.

Poor essays often come out as a result of focusing on over dwelling on routes taken by Mzilikazi and the Ndebele people and the various course of events during this migration. These are the types of essays by which even Ordinary level students are familiar with since they are in most cases narrative in form. At Advanced level, students must participate in some of the contemporary debates surrounding Ndebele migration. While using the sequential approach or integration approach could be one’s own choice, integration produces the best answers. In this essay, the sequential method shall be used to bring more clarity to each individual point raised.

Early in the 1820s, Mzilikazi and his followers fled from Tshaka in Nguniland to establish themselves as the Ndebele State in South West of Zimbabwe after a decade long migration. This migration has created some of the durable myths about the Ndebele which have lived up to this day. In terms of historical sources, this period is mostly covered by written sources from missionaries, hunters, explorers, concession seekers and traders. As a unique lesson, the reliability of written sources used in the reconstruction of Zimbabwean history shall be put to test citing this particular era. In addition, some long held traditions about the Ndebele at this period of state formation shall be revisited to bring forth the realities. These include those that portray Mzilikazi as a rebellious character founding his state solely under ambitions of power. From Nguniland to Bulawayo, the Ndebele are portrayed as blood thirsty aggressors with no due regard for human life. Lastly, it is held that the Ndebele state was founded solely on conquests and involuntary submissions, clearly making the Ndebele a militaristic people.

However, in this essay, it shall be argued that written sources are a significant part to the history of this period, though they should be used with a critical eye. Right from their origins and migration, it is evident that the Ndebele were equally victims of aggression. Finally, while conquests had their own share in founding the state, peaceful methods of nation building used by Mzilikazi have often been ignored.


Image: Queen Lozikeyi Dlodlo with other Ndebele women

One importance of the Ndebele migration is that it clearly reveals the extent to which written sources are useful in the reconstruction of Zimbabwean history. Documents from missionaries, traders, hunters, concession seekers and explorers dominate the reconstruction of the Ndebele history. For several reasons, they have created some of the long-lasting myths about the Ndebele state formation and migration. For instance, in order to hide their illicit activities like raiding for cheap unpaid labour among locals, early white writers heaped the blame on the Mfecane and violent disorders in South Africa on Tshaka and like- minded locals like Mzilikazi. Such raids also included men of cloth who were part of the London Missionary Society. Portraying the violent nature of local political leaders was also suitable for colonialists who wanted to justify colonialism. This is because they argued that Africans had loose rights to their land since most of them were in ceaseless migrations, hence at the time of occupying territory in South Africa, most areas were uninhabited. Across the Limpopo, myths on the Ndebele in written sources served other purposes. First, the BSAC found it easier to invade the Ndebele after clearly illustrating that they were dealing with a militaristic and violent state which was like that right from the beginning. Secondly, missionaries also wanted to vindicate failure of their missions on the Ndebele. Thus, according to Ndlovu-Gatsheni, the missionary Robert Moffat branded the Ndebele people as ‘violent and brutal;’ the Ndebele King as a ‘powerful, despotic and a dictatorial leader;’ the Ndebele soldiers as ‘bloodthirsty destroyers of human life;’ and the areas around the Ndebele settlements as characterized by ‘destruction, desolation and depopulation.’ His son John Moffat also claimed, 'Umpanda is the king of the Zulus near Natal, and of his government Moselekatse's (Mzilikazi’s) is an exact copy', before he had even entered the Ndebele country. Thus, it is important to understand the shortfalls of the written sources used in the reconstruction of Ndebele history before more lessons are drawn from the origins and migration of the Ndebele.

First, there is a long-established tradition that the Ndebele owe their origins to an act of defiance by Mzilikazi, who refused to surrender to Tshaka the loot from a raiding expedition. It portrays Mzilikazi as a political fugitive who connived with his relatives and soldiers to into a political coup because he had hidden political ambitions to rebel against his king. It seeks to portray Mzilikazi as an ambitious leader rebelling against a legitimate government in pursuit of his selfish political destiny.  However, Mzilikazi’s flight from Tshaka could better be understood as an act of defence rather than political selfishness. According to Doyle, by challenging Tshaka, Mzilikazi was not demanding what was not legally his. Mzilikazi was the legitimate heir to the throne after the assassination of his father, Matshobana, but was only too young to rule. Even a regent king who immediately occupied the throne temporarily confirmed, ‘the king is the child of Matshobana, I am holding him till he can walk. A king is king because he is born one. I was not born a king, therefore cannot be one. Let us salute the son of Matshobana who is our king!’ However, the throne was soon grabbed by Tshaka, who declared that ‘no king was king unless he won his throne by an assegai’ and went ahead to destroy all his rivals opposed to his assumption of power, but spared Mzilikazi. Clearly, the flight of Mzilikazi from Zululand was not a mere act of civil disobedience, but an attempt to avoid a political dispute with Tshaka whose results were predictably disastrous. Soon, the Khumalos and other clans who greatly upheld the right of Mzilikazi to rule rallied behind him to form a group of about 12000 who were ready to break ranks with Tshaka and migrate for their own safety. The long-held tradition that Mzilikazi’s flight was largely driven by civil disobedience is therefore debatable.

During their migration to South West Zimbabwe, Mzilikazi and his Ndebele have earned such titles as ‘blood thirsty destroyers of human life’ for carrying with them ‘a devastating warfare as well as stressful state formation to the Transvaal highlands and beyond’. Such narratives contributed to the long-held legends that the Ndebele state was formed out of military aggression and the Ndebele were always perpetrators of aggression. The migration from Zululand is treated as one whole expedition where a ‘blood-thirsty’ political leader was on the loose to inflict pain on other tribes and forcibly incorporate them into his empire. All other people are portrayed as victims to Mzilikazi’s militaristic state, as they were left in a state of vanquish while their resources and populations were absorbed into the Ndebele empire. This, however, is despite that Mzilikazi and his people were also victims to Tshaka’s continued attacks, hence the northward migration was a defence mechanism. The Ndebele were further also victims of attack from the Afrikaaners for two major reasons. Firstly, Afrikaaners used to raid local Africans to get slave labour urgently needed in the Cape colony plantations and those in Mozambique. Secondly, by absorbing and protecting other weaker local groups from white raids, they automatically invited trouble upon themselves, and one defensive solution was to migrate further northwards. Therefore, a revisit of the Ndebele migration narratives is important as it corrects some of the conservative myths about the Ndebele.

During their migration to South West Zimbabwe, Mzilikazi and his Ndebele earned such titles as ‘blood thirsty destroyers of human life’ for carrying with them ‘a devastating warfare as well as stressful state formation to the Transvaal highlands and beyond.’ Such narratives contributed to the conservative legends that the Ndebele state was formed out of only military aggression where the Ndebele were always perpetrators of aggression. The migration from Zululand is treated as one whole expedition where a ‘blood thirsty’ political leader was on the loose to inflict pain on other tribes and forcibly incorporate them into his empire. All other tribes are portrayed as victims to Mzilikazi’s militaristic state, as they were left in a state of vanquish while their resources and populations were absorbed into the Ndebele empire. This, however, is despite that Mzilikazi and his people were also victims to Tshaka’s continued attacks, hence the northward migration was a defense mechanism. The Ndebele were further also victims of attack from the Afrikaaners for two major reasons. Firstly, Afrikaaners used to raid local Africans to get slave labour urgently needed in the Cape colony plantations and those in Mozambique. Secondly, by absorbing and protecting other weaker local groups from white raids, they automatically invited trouble upon themselves, and one defensive solution was to migrate further northwards. Therefore, a revisit of the Ndebele migration narratives is important as it corrects some of the long-held myths about the Ndebele.

Peaceful mechanisms of Ndebele state building have often been ignored in Ndebele state formation as writers mostly portrayed the Ndebele as a state formed by conquest. Thus, Doyle wrote, ‘I would ask you to look back at their history, since their flight from Zululand. At Magaliesberg, the country was depopulated by them. At Marico, they found the natives populating large towns and extensively cultivating. They left it a desert. The whole career of the people is marked by deeds of carnage, blood and robbery.’ However, what is more evident is that the Ndebele was one local group which was more resistant to the white men's raids. Most local groups came to acknowledge this fact and how they could benefit from the Ndebele who offered security to local weaker groups. Thus, some areas were ‘left a desert’ not because of conquests, but by voluntary submission to a military leader offering better prospects of security from white raids. The Swazi, Tonga, Pedi, Tswana and Sotho are perfect examples of groups who voluntarily joined the Ndebele to benefit from security from white raids. Mzilikazi even took a Swazi wife on the way, who became mother to Lobengula, his successor. At one point, the Swazi alerted Mzilikazi at the earliest intelligence that Tshaka had sent soldiers to punish him, indicating the cordial relations he had with them, and why they too chose to be part of the Ndebele migration. It is thus important to realise that the Ndebele state formation included peaceful means which some written sources partly ignored.

After a long migration, their eventual establishment in the Rozvi territory offers yet another perfect case to clarify some of the myths and legends about the Ndebele. Ranger cited a colonial officer who claimed that since their arrival in Zimbabwe, the ‘Ndebele had killed 100,000 Shonas during the last 70 years; this estimate having been arrived at on the basis of the very large number of deserted villages and deserted valleys’. However, a revisit of the same narratives would show that by the time the Ndebele arrived in South West of Zimbabwe, the Rozvi had become a shell of itself. According to Doyle, the locals (Rozvi) had been subjected to a series of about five groups that ‘destroyed everything before them, killing men, spearing women, burning houses and tossing children to the flames’ rendering the country ‘uninhabited and desolate.’ The small population remaining was therefore glad to pay homage to Mzilikazi’s Ndebele, given the terrible experience they had undergone in the recent past. Local groups were soon assimilated into this new empire, while unfriendly chiefdoms were attacked as a way to improve security in the middle of hostile neighbours. Mzilikazi further went ahead to forge relations with locals by marriages and cattle loaning. In the long run, he was not only the victor in wars between himself and the locals but was sometimes at the receiving end. Such an image of the Ndebele is not learnt from Eurocentric writers at that moment who wanted to paint the picture that the arrival of the Ndebele had dire consequences for the local Rozvi. Instead, Friedrick Selous claimed that the Mashona became, ‘scattered all over the country without any central government… and very soon, every stream in their country ran red with their blood, while vultures and hyenas feasted undisturbed amidst the ruins of their devastated homes. Their cattle sheep and goats were driven off by their conquerors and their children…were taken for slaves. In a few years, there will be no Mashonas left in the open country’. That this was a clear fabrication for a purpose can be estimated from Hartmann’s claim, ‘I hear it often times said that if the white men do not protect them (Shona), they will emigrate from the country’.

In conclusion, Ndebele origins and migrations are important in the reconstruction of Zimbabwean history. They expose the dangers of over relying on written sources which were predominantly Eurocentric in approach. A revisit on the same historical narratives is important since it has changed some of the longstanding myths about them. Firstly, circumstances leading to Mzilikazi’s rebellion no longer show that he was mostly pushed by political greedy. His migration from Zulu land then to present day Zimbabwe was a defensive expedition where he sometimes had to fight in order to survive threatening circumstances. State formation was therefore not only hinged on conflict and conquest, but by also non-violent methods. The case of the Rozvi who were found in South West of Zimbabwe offers a perfect example from which some of these lessons about the Ndebele can be drawn.

Next article: Discuss the view that the Torwa State was an offshoot of Great Zimbabwe.

 Mr. T. Zhou is a History teacher at Highfield high 1 school. B.A. Honours degree in History and Development studies & Master of Philosophy in history. WhatsApp / call +263 773 612 250

Brian Maregedze is an Academic Tutor at CMK Study Centre, Johannesburg South Africa (you can visit the website www.cmkcoe.co.za). Email; bmaregedze@gmail.com

      Answers  from the upcoming book: 

    ‘A’ LEVEL ZIMBABWEAN HISTORY

  Pending publication by GRAMSOL BOOKS

 HARARE

© 2020 T. Zhou and B. Maregedze