Joshua Nkomo: Politics, Power and Memory

Joshua Nkomo: Politics, Power and Memory

First published on Sunday News Zimbabwe

 30 JUN, 2019 - 00:06

By Brian Maregedze

Joshua Mqabuko Nkomo: Politics, Power and Memory is a 2017 publication edited by Sabelo J Ndlovu-Gatsheni at the climax of revisionist historiography in Zimbabwean history. 

Alternative views from the state narrative and or from what are called “commissar scholars” are positioned in a way to study the life and times of Joshua Nkomo beyond Robert Mugabe narratives. The eighteen chapters in this thick volume, 458-page book are also drawn from 18 reputable scholars on Zimbabwean history. Nkomo’s autobiography, The Story of My Life motivates the majority of book chapters in this seminal work although other perspectives, contributions go beyond the autobiography. Structurally, there are three parts of the book, with the initial focusing on Imperialism, Nationalism, Liberation and Leadership; while the second part deals with Legacy, Diplomacy, Political Philosophy and Fatherhood and lastly; Nation-Building, Persecution, Autobiography and Rehabilitation.  More interesting is that, this review comes at a time when Sabelo J Ndlovu-Gatsheni presented a Memorial Lecture on Joshua Nkomo at the Midlands State University on 7 June 2019 titled, In memory of Umdala Wethu: African Intellectuals, African Developmental University and African Futures. 

 

The first chapter by S J Ndlovu-Gatsheni orients the reader through an overview of the whole book, thematically summarising the key issues covered in the book. Also notable is that the chapter partly derives from Gatsheni’s earlier works on Joshua Nkomo (Ndlovu-Gatsheni 2007; 2009; Ndlovu-Gatsheni and Willems 2010). Nkomo’s experiential struggles with the minority colonial government as well as the trials and tribulations he encountered early in post independent Zimbabwe is well noted. In chapter two and three, Martin Rupiya and E M Sibanda consecutively pays attention to the political life of Joshua Nkomo in the liberation struggle of Zimbabwe. The way Nkomo founded and led the revolutionary movements and internationalised the anti-colonial struggle is also well engaged with the challenges encountered. The chapter dealt more with Nkomo’s achievements rather than “foibles” as existing literature on his personality have made considerable steps in advancing such narratives. The story of a trade unionists is traced from 1947, rising through the ranks and founding of political parties which is interpreted within the birth of African nationalism.

 

 

The fourth chapter by Kenneth Tafira engages with Nkomo as a peace builder and unifier. Drawing this standing based on the various negotiating steps he undertook including the Lancaster House Agreement of December 1979, which eventually saw the country reaching a ceasefire and attaining its independence. Although the armed struggle was waged in order to attain independence under the leadership of Joshua Nkomo within the Zimbabwe People’s Revolutionary Army (ZPRA), the Zapu military wing, was compelled by circumstances which bear witness to colonialists’ unwillingness to let freedom come to Africans without bloodshed. Pathisa Nyathi also engaged with the various meetings that the nationalists pursued including Nkomo in their efforts to see independence and freedom of Africans being achieved using non-violence. A detailed reading of the Lancaster House Talks with the Cold War crisis issue situates Nkomo as a strong political figure in his lifetime. During the same phase under critical review depending on the Zimbabwe Review publications, Tafira exposes how Nkomo gained names such as Mdala Wethu (Our Father), Chibwechitedza (slippery stone), Father Zimbabwe, Big Josh among others. 

 

Furthermore, the decolonial scholar Gorden Moyo evinces Nkomo deploying deconstruction and reconstruction as a “decolonial prophet” and a redemptive nationalist figure in Zimbabwe (p. 115). Nkomo is also placed among African “patriarchs” on Pan-Africanism who include, Sylvester Williams an imperative driver of the movement; Cheikh Anta Diop, Leopold Sedar Senghor; Frantz Fanon who is argued to have unveiled the life of the “wretched of the earth”; Julius Nyerere; Kwame Nkrumah; Kenneth Kaunda and Steve Biko who is well remembered for the redemptive black consciousness. Martin and Phylis Johnson are accused of being agents of “commissar scholars” through praise texts found in nationalists’ historiography of the 1980s. Their texts are arguably responsible for sidelining and also marginalising Nkomo to the periphery in power dynamics and the making of Zimbabwe especially in their inventive role of “hero-stories” thereby producing “patriotic histories” favourable to Robert Mugabe’s leadership. In the end, Nkomo is represented as a “victim” of both the Empire and the comrades he fought with side by side in dismantling the colonial regime. 

 

The main observable leit motif set out in this chapter is that of unmasking Western and Eastern Europe’s deceit and hypocrisy in the decolonisation of Zimbabwe. The duality of Nkomo as hybridised based on titles of “Father of the Nation” and “Father of Dissidents” is resultant of colonial matrices of power that he found himself enmeshed and entrapped in (p. 118). Guided by decoloniality, Blessed Ngwenya in chapter nine has almost similar undertones as he sort to unearth the legacy of “Father Zimbabwe.” Nkomo’s humanism and or efforts to seek peace instead of violence proffers interesting insights to the book. Despite being viewed and or misread as a coward after the 1963 Zapu-Zanu split, he remained humble to the end as he never sort revenge to people who sort to pull him down politically.

The late Dr Joshua Nkomo

Again, in chapter eight William J Mpofu flows in the same path of revisionist interpretation as Nkomo is positioned under the various trials he encountered in the story of the liberation of Zimbabwe. 

Above all, Nkomo is interpreted as a philosopher of liberation who envisioned peace and dialogue rather than violence in conflict resolution. Philosophers of liberation as described by Enrique Dussel (1985) are men and women of flesh, blood and bone whose intellectual and social sensitivity, love for life and freedom compel them to rebel against domination of any form. 

The vocation of the philosophers of liberation is not only to humanise and liberate the dehumanised victims of oppression such as colonised peoples, but it is also to humanise and liberate the oppressors such as the colonisers who are entangled in the inhuman condition of being racist haters and exploiters (p. 194). By doing so, Mpofu argues, Nkomo defeated the colonial government and “Machiavellian tactics” to undermine and humiliate him.

Timothy Scarnecchia examines the role of Joshua Nkomo as a diplomat. Scarneccia argues that no much research has been carried out by historians on Nkomo focusing on his diplomatic roles except many studies prior his 1974 release from prison. 

Beyond that, Morgan Ndlovu tackles the various representations on Nkomo using a socio-genetic analysis based on his political life as a product of a particular sociocultural background.

In addition to that, Rudo Gaidzanwa explores Nkomo’s struggles with colonial employment policies, entrepreneurship, ideas about land and land reform in independent Zimbabwe. Chapter 12 as enunciated by Everisto Benyera carters for the need to appropriate Nkomo’s role in transitional justice for full liberation in Zimbabwe. According to Benyera, Transitional Justice entails (2014: 336):

“At a different level, it is concerned with the choices, mechanisms, and the quality of justice implemented by states emerging from episodes of gross human rights abuses such as, civil wars and totalitarian rule, to respond to past oppression and injustice while constructing a new future based on democracy and the rule of law.”

As such, Joshua Nkomo is situated beyond binaries of “Father Zimbabwe” or “Father of Dissidents” and many other titles, tags.  

The last section of the book, part three addresses issues co-authored by Ndlovu-Gatsheni and Busani Mpofu making a comparative analysis of Joshua Nkomo’s idea of Zimbabwe with Mandela’s idea of South Africa. Their political consciousness, and their conceptions of liberation mainly through a comparison of their autobiographies: Nkomo: The Story of my Life and Mandela’s Long Walk to Freedom, respectively.

The Chapter by Sylvester Dombo is an attempt to investigate how the memory of the liberation struggle icon is being appropriated supposedly for nation building. 

Among other issues, Dombo also sought to draw from the press how the issue of honouring Nkomo was covered by the various newspapers in the country. 

What kind of stance did the newspapers take and with what implications for their readership? Dombo paid attention specifically to the issue of the statues that were to be erected to honour Joshua Nkomo in Harare and Bulawayo. 

The study is also situated within the discourses of contested pasts and contested memories. The theme of immortalisation is pursued by Henry Chiwaura. 

The chapter achieves affirming that Nkomo’s immortalisation through several symbols and representations is not about the past as it is intend to shape current discourses within the society. 

The well-documented conflict with Robert Mugabe soon after independence also has an impact on the way Nkomo is memorialised and immortalised in Zimbabwe. Nkomo appears in songs, books and academic articles. Buildings and schools are also named after him. Thabisani Ndlovu further delves into the topic of statues, particularly the one mounted in Bulawayo at the intersection of 8th Avenue and Main Street. 

Drawing on heritage theories, particularly heritage interpretation, the chapter analyses government and counter-government narratives of Joshua Nkomo’s statue(s).

Notwithstanding the above, it’s notable that a number of spelling flaws frequent the passages of this long edited book project. For instance, the ZPRA ordnance and ZPRA ordnance was instead of “ordinance and was” respectively are not well written (p. 22). 

The introductory chapter by Sabelo Ndlovu-Gatsheni was partly uninterestingly written, “The Chap. 3 and The Chap. 4 . . .” as if it was not appropriate to just write Chapter 3 then address the issues raised (p.37-38). There is also lack of spacing on “leadership of” on page 53, rather, it is written “leadershipof.”

All in all, the shortcomings found in the book are of less significance as Joshua Nkomo survives political toxicity in independent Zimbabwe. Perhaps, the very fact that he was not the President of independent Zimbabwe opened doors to the celebratory tone found in this seminal revisionist text. The spirit of Joshua Nkomo lives on 20 years after he passed on.

The Army and Politics in Zimbabwe: Mujuru, the liberation Fighter and Kingmaker

Book review Brian Maregedze

Review & Mail Writer

The long-awaited biography of a controversial figure, Solomon Mujuru nom de guerre Rex Nhongo was finally published in February 2020 under Cambridge University Press. Blessing Miles Tendi, the Oxford Professor of African Politics critically offers a first detailed biographical account on Solomon Mujuru since his mysterious death in an allegedly inferno at his Beatrice farm-house on 15 August 2011. More interesting is that the biography is a product of critical investigation into written sources as well as oral interviews with key players in Zimbabwean politics particularly in colonial and independent Zimbabwe which assist in recovering the memory of Solomon Mujuru “ Rex Nhongo.”

The Oxford based Professor of African Politics, B-M Tendi chronicles the early childhood of Solomon Mujuru from Chikomba district (Charter) in Mashonaland East province demonstrating his strengths and weaknesses as he is remembered from close relatives and associates. More notable is that Solomon Mujuru had issues with fire in his lifetime such that the author relates to 1952 as a first encounter where he survived a “brush of fire” whilst he was sleeping with his elder brother Joel in their thatched kitchen hut covering themselves with a sack. This fire account is titled Fireborn 1 whilst the 15 August 2011 tragic incident is referred to as Fireborn 2. In the early 1980s, Solomon’s lit cigarette also torched fire on their bedroom when he was with his wife Joice. The author didn’t mention why Solomon’s hotel “fire” incident in Geneva-Switzerland which he had attended the failed independence conference isn’t befitting Fireborn 2 or Fireborn 3. Around 2017, this book was titled Ashes and Fire: Life of Solomon Mujuru (Rex Nhongo) raising hopes to those who thought more will be unveiled on his mysterious death. However, the book got a new title which the author didn’t explain to readers.

In his early childhood, Solomon was nicknamed Ruzambu (reed) due to his ill health and thinness which was made “starker” with the size of his head (p.11). Stuttering in speech and being mostly quiet remained permanent in Solomon’s life.  He was the tenth of twelve children, however, lost his mother at the age of three.

Solomon Mujuru’s political activism is traced from Zimuto High School in Masvingo where he met with other liberation war luminaries such as Kumbirai Kangai who was his teacher then. Schools where sites of ideological orientation especially in resisting colonial oppression. In 1962 while he was in Standard 6, he was expelled at Zimuto high school for political activism forcing his family to send him to Zambia so that he could finish his studies. [Un]Fortunately in Zambia, student activism was at its climax such that Solomon didn’t even finish his studies resulting in him continuing with the struggle against colonial domination.

Politics of entitlement 

Solomon Mujuru believed in ‘liberation war entitlement.’ During the integration years in the 1980s, the Zimbabwe African National Liberation Army (ZANLA) cadres felt entitled to get higher posts and status as compared to the ZIPRA cadres.  ZANLA was ZANU’s armed wing. This created tension since S. Mujuru was well known to have had a history of changing from ZIPRA to ZANLA during the liberation struggle. Come independence, some seniors from ZIPRA saw in Mujuru their junior. Hostility was inevitable as he was now the chief of the Zimbabwe National Army (ZNA). Dumiso Dabengwa the late liberation war hero refused to be led by his [former] junior (p.178-9). Mutinhiri, General de Gaulle, is another figure who was ‘marginalised’ in integration in 1980 although he was ZIPRA’s chief of staff from 1976-78 and having been a military instructor prior to that. Above that, the same personality had facilitated Solomon Mujuru’s escape in 1971 when he defected from ZIPRA to ZANLA.

As such, ZANLA-ZIPRA rivalry expressed itself in various ways. ZANLA cadres felt entitled to higher positions in the newly ZNA ranks due to their allegiance to ZANU which had won the 1980 elections. S. Mujuru was also ‘compelled’ by circumstances not to be found getting the sell-out tag by promoting ZIPRA cadres ‘fairly’ during the early years of independence. The army also ended up vulnerable to ‘politicization’ by ZANU PF.  

The author locates Gukukurandi of the 1980s within ZANLA-ZIPRA fissures as some ZIPRA cadres who deserted the army got the label of ‘dissidents’ (p.179).

The Kingmaker

This can be traced from Solomon Mujuru’s involvement in recommending Robert Mugabe to lead the party in the late 1970s. This is despite initial refusal by some members of the frontline states to recognize Mugabe. Mujuru’s recommendations are believed to have been motivated by Robert Mugabe’s education, Edwardian English, eloquence in speech, the Secretary of the party which was translated to second senior to Sithole who was the president then, and kin relations which are arguably distant (p. 85).  Mujuru deployed his advantage of close networks with Frente de Libertação de Moçambique (FRELIMO) to ensnare his adversaries, those from the Dare and High Command. At the end, Robert Mugabe became the president of party whilst Tongogara got hold of the army. Samora Machel, the former Mozambican president was also pivotal in Mujuru’s schemes (p.95).

 More worth taking is that as the liberation struggle was underway, power struggles among the nationalists simultaneously had its toll. Ethnic conflicts were rampant. The death of Hebert Chitepo is indicative of the struggles. Again, the Nhari rebellion could also have played out its role in the way the leaders were divided. What possibly may be factual beyond Thomas Nhari’s group and their motivations is the persistent marginalization of middle ranked officers in the army. B-M Tendi argues that, “…Nhari mutineers exploited the absence of leading ZANLA commanders, who were in China and Romania on diplomatic engagements, to stage a mutiny.” Arm-chair commanders versus soldiers and commanders who lead from the front remains a contentious issue well detailed in the book. Mujuru’s life history posits a window through explanations for the Nhari revolt as motivated by internal factors rather external. Previously, David Martin and Phyllis Johnson, Ngwabi Bhebe had argued that Rhodesian intelligence influenced the Nhari, Badza and Molife mutiny.

 Solomon Mujuru’s military credentials covered training and leading from the front in many places in Southern Africa as a region. His military operations in Mozambique under the FRELIMO equipped him with more experience since he had already undergone training in Bulgaria, China, Russia and Tanzania. It’s no wonder the story of Mujuru the liberator is transnational. He belongs to the few war heroes to be buried at the national heroes’ acre in Harare with such a memorable crowd. People from all political divides converged bidding farewell to the illustrious liberation fighter and Kingmaker.

The last chapter of the book delves into consistencies and contradictions associated with the death of Solomon Mujuru. Was Solomon murdered first then got burnt in his house? What was the role of state and non-state actors in distorting some information leading to factors surrounding Solomon’s death? These and other many questions as well as plausible theories are critically examined.

However, the author was also partly successful in pointing out the challenges associated with life and times of Solomon Mujuru. From his use of obscenities, discipline and punishment, entitlement, ‘disregard’ for the role of spirit mediums in the liberation struggle among others. The book also identifies stories of violence instigated by men towards girls, women during the struggle particularly sexual violence. Insights on other key figures during Zimbabwe’s liberation struggle are illuminated, Josiah Tongogara, Herbert W. Chitepo, Dumiso Dabengwa among others. Sadly, Herbert Chitepo’s death remains a mystery over forty years since his death.

Given that Cain Mathema, the current minister of Primary and Secondary Education trained in Russia in 1968 with Mujuru, more narratives will likely emerge in the future. Surprisingly, there was no interview or reference to Cain Mathema’s writings in relation to many issues raised in this biographical work. Nonetheless, the book is well-researched and relevant to historians with musings in political history, peace and strategic studies, military studies and those interested in the history of liberation struggles in Africa.

Feedback, email: bmaregedze@gmail.com

The Concept of Jihad

By Shaibu Asali*

The meaning  of jihad and the type of jihad
The word jihad has attracted a lot of controversy, and misunderstanding about Islam. It has led to a negative portrayal of the Muslims. This has been partly due to the fact that the word jihad has been mistranslated in English dictionaries. The Merriam-Webster dictionary defines jihad as “holy war.” This definition is totally wrong because the concept of a “holy war” does not exist in Islam. The Arabic equivalent of “holy war” is harb muqaddas, and that term does not exist in any Islamic texts. In any case, the true meaning of an Arabic word like jihad can only be found in an Arabic dictionary. The Arabic dictionaries define jihad as to “exert the utmost, to strive, to expend one’s best efforts.” (an-Nihaayah fee Ghareeb al-Hadeeth wa al-Athar,1/319).
The unfortunate translation by the English dictionary gives the impression that jihad is limited to warfare. However, that is far from the truth.  Ibn al-Qayyim mentioned several types of jihad which are jihad an-nafs (jihad against one’s self), jihad ash-Shaytaan (jihad against the devil), and warfare. He went on to say:
“Jihad an-nafs (jihad against one’s self) is of four kinds:
1 – Striving to learn the teachings of Islam.
2 – Striving to make oneself act in accordance with what one has learned. Simply knowing without acting, even though it may not cause any harm, is not going to bring any benefit.
3 – Striving to call others to Islam, and teaching those who do not know about it.
4 – Striving to bear patiently the difficulties involved in calling people to Allah and the insults of people; bearing all that for the sake of Allah.

If a person achieves all these four levels, then he will be one of the rabbaaniyyeen (learned men of religion who practice what they know and also preach to others).
Jihad against the devil is of two types:
1 – Warding off the doubts that he stirs up to undermine faith.
2 – Striving against him to ward off the corrupt desires that he provokes.
The first jihad is followed by certainty of faith, and the second is followed by patience. Allah said: “And We made from among them (Children of Israel), leaders, giving guidance under Our Command, when they were patient and used to believe with certainty in Our Ayaat (proofs, evidences, verses, lessons, signs, revelations, etc.)” [Qurꞌan 32:24] (Zaad al-Ma’aad, 3/159)

The concept of jihad can be extended to cover everything which a person strives to do well. A man passed by the Prophet (peace be upon him), and the companions of the Prophet (peace be upon him) saw his strength and activeness, and they said: “Would that he was fighting in Allah’s cause (jihad). The Prophet (peace be upon him) said: “If he has gone out striving for his young children, then he is in the path of Allah. If he has gone out striving for his elderly parents, then he is in the path of Allah. If he has gone out striving for himself, then he is in the path of Allah. If he has gone out for show-off, then he is in the path of the devil.” [at-Tabaraani, 19/129] Thus, an ordinary task like working and seeking a livelihood to sustain oneself, one’s children, and parents is considered to be jihad.

Jihad also involves warfare. However, the declaration of warfare is the prerogative of the head of a Muslim state who may after consultation decide to engage in warfare for the best interests of the country. So, jihad is an instrument through which the Islamic state can preserve itself if the need arises. Warfare is not child’s play whereby some people buy guns or bombs and start slaughtering people in the name of religion. That is not what Islam teaches, and nothing of that sort was mentioned in the Islamic texts. 
Does Islam support terrorism?
Islam has often been portrayed as the religion of war, suicide bombers, and wanton killing. However, this is not what is reflected in the Islamic texts. Human life is protected, and unjust killing is prohibited. It is a major sin. Serious types of punishments have been legislated for a murderer. Whoever kills one person unjustly it is as if he has killed the entire humanity, and whoever saves one person’s life, it is as if he has saved the life of the entire humanity. [Quran 5: 32]

However, the question which naturally arises is that why do extremist groups like Boko Haram, Al-Qaidah, Al-Shahab exist, and fight in the name of Allah? The answer is that Islam is defined by what is stated in the Quran and the Sunnah, and not the wrong actions of people. Therefore, the Islamic texts are against terrorism and murder. So, that is the position of Islam on the matter. The extremist groups are a tiny minority who account for less than one percent of the Muslim population. The majority of the Muslims live their life in a normal, and peaceful manner, and they are not a threat to anyone. The extremist groups and organizations do not fight for the sake of Allah. This is because they have been known to declare other Muslims as apostates, and to attack them in mosques, and homes. Thus, they fight for economic, political or other agendas which are best known to themselves.

Questions

1. “The concept of jihad has been greatly misunderstood.” Discuss

2. Evaluate the importance of jihad.

Shaibu Asali is an Author and Islamic Scholar based in Harare-Zimbabwe.
Mobile details:
+263 0771928869

National Environment Cleaning Day gains momentum in Zim schools

By Brian Maregedze

Walking up and about Harare streets and beyond on every first Friday of the month has become a norm to see the young and old being actively involved in the National Clean-Up campaign. The first Friday of August 2019 was no different with a number of stakeholders from the Ministry of Primary and Secondary Education, Zimbabwe Tourism Authority (ZTA) and the business community converging at Theatre in the Park-Harare Gardens.  Schools from the non-formal sector under Hatfield-Mbare district attended the clean-up campaign include Valley Crest Academy (VCA), B.E.S.T College, Denmark College, Avenues High school, Forward in Faith Christian College, Vista Vision College, Face to Face Academy, The Good Samaritan, Harare Adventist College as well as Phoenix College. The event started at 08:00 hours and ended at 10:00 hours mid-morning.

Speaking on the occasion, Mr Naison the principal Schools’ Inspector for non-formal learning, Harare province under the Ministry of Primary and Secondary education argued that it is necessary for learners to have knowledge on how to take care of their environment at the same time putting into practicing that which they know. He further argued that, “we should catch them” referring to the learners who are supposed to have an environmental ethic at a tender age. Mr Naison went on to encourage more of such environmentally friendly grounded activities by the schools which attended the event.

Speaking on the same occasion, Mrs Mangwende addressing the learners just outside Theatre in the Park, Harare Gardens, reiterated on the need for an environmental conservation culture. “Although every first Friday on the beginning of the month has been set aside for making sure that environmental reflections and actions are given special attention, there is need for clean-up steps in everyday life at schools and home,” argued Mrs Mangwiro to a big applause from the audience.

Among stakeholders who made the event a success include Clean City, a new business under Cassava Smartech which is part of the Econet group launched in mid-July 2019. Clean City is already living up to its main objective of providing sustainable waste management in urban areas, in partnership with local authorities and the private sector. Mr. C. Tafanehama from Clean City interacted with the writer of this piece for a short time noting that they were ever busy and ready to engage with everyone who has an agenda towards a clean Zimbabwe and the world. Put simply, Clean City is a digital platform used by private waste collection companies to collect rubbish bins from homes and it’s also the first of its kind in Africa. Vaya App Africa is the online application which has also made Clean City known to members of the society countrywide and beyond. With a vision to become the top waste management company in Zimbabwe and beyond, Mr Kutadzaushe, Valley Crest Academy Principal acknowledged the central role being played by Clean City in addressing waste management in urban areas as observed from the hard work exhibited on this event.

His Excellency, the president of Zimbabwe Emmerson Mnangagwa officially launched the National Environment clean-up campaign in December 2018 under the theme ‘Zero Tolerance to Litter-My Environment, My Pride.’ The way citizens have responded to the national clean- up campaign under the New Dispensation has been interpreted as a ‘cleaning legacy’ for health living. This is also in line with upholding the Zimbabwe 2013 constitution, Section 73 (Ammendment 20) and section 4(1) of the Environmental Management Act (Cap 20:27) of 2002 which stipulates the following;
“Every citizen has a right to;  a clean environment that is not harmful to health; and protect the environment for the benefit of present and future generations and to participate in the implementation of the promulgation of reasonable legislative policy and other measures that prevent pollution and environmental degradation.

This August, various stations had people converging to deal with the problem of waste management. In Mabvuku-Kamunhu Shopping centre, the First Lady Amai Auxillia Mnangagwa who is also the environmental patron led the National Environment Cleaning Day campaign. President E. D. Mnangagwa also led the clean-up event at Ashbrittle Shopping Centre in Harare. The Vice President, V.P Mohadi also took another front in Beitbridge where he led the National Environment Cleaning Day at Pagomba Café in Ward 5. Many other stations across the country had similar activities in this quest for a hygienic society.

Given the various challenges the local authorities are facing, schools, churches and the business community are now offering space for resilience in the Zimbabwe society. The “Sunshine city” dream is only possible with collective effort.  The problem of a bed of litter, chaos and disorder in the cities, communities can however be solved.

Experiences from across the region are a clear testimony. In Gaborone, the capital of Botswana has a public court ready to deal with people who are careless with litter. Braamfontein in Johannesburg, Kigali in the Rwandan capital are such places among many that have had a negative reality on cleanliness in cities but now shining beacon on hygiene.  Collective action is vital for Zimbabwe to claim its space in waste management. There is also the need to decongest the city/ cities as Harare which has a population of over four million people and was built during the colonial era with a population less than one million then. The road to sunshine city may appear to be long but it’s necessary to pursue against all odd circumstances the country is currently facing.

Brian Maregedze is an author, historian and columnist. He can be contacted at bmaregedze@gmail.com. He is also a Researcher with Leaders for Africa Network (LAN), a Pan-African research think-tank. Membership with Zimbabwe Historical Association (ZHA). Currently a Tutor at Valley Crest Academy, Parktown-Waterfalls in Harare.