The Cult of Rhodes: Remembering an Imperialist in Africa

Reviewed by Brian Maregedze

Cecil John Rhodes (1853-1902) remains a controversial figure in colonialism and imperialism studies. Paul Maylam’s 2005 publication is useful in confronting debates on his role in the colonization of Southern Africa-South Africa and Zimbabwe being well studied. The book by Maylam, although published over a decade ago, is worth reading since in Zimbabwe and South Africa, the place of Rhodes in decolonization remains a contested terrain in academic and non-academic circles. In as much as the book is grounded in exposing the evils of Cecil John Rhodes to a greater extent upon Africans, arguments for Rhodes’ apologists are posited. The six chapters which make up the book make it an easy read due to the readable approach undertaken by Maylam, considering that Rhodes belongs those individuals with a lot of literature devoted to his personality.
The introductory chapter situates Rhodes within debates on biographies which celebrated and condemned him. Three key features on biographers of Rhodes are well noted, namely, the early biographies being written by close associates or acquaintances such as Sir Thomas Fuller, Sir Lewis Michell, Philip Jourdan, J.G McDonald and Herbert Baker, among others. The second category includes writings from professional, academic historians, namely, Basil Williams, John Flint, Apollon Davidson and Robert Rotberg. The last and third group consists of reputable writers who were however not professional historians such as Sarah Getrude Millin, William Plomer and Andre Maurois. J.G Lockhart and C.M Woodhouse, John Marlowe and Brian Roberts targeted a wider audience (p.4).
The second chapter grapples with monuments and memorials on Rhodes. Tracing from Rhodes’ birthplace, Cape Town estate, place of death and grave, Maylam, takes one into the history associated with each of these sites. The chapter is more interesting in that, according to Rhodes’ will, Matopos in Zimbabwe is his place of burial. Drawing from the late T.O Ranger’s works, Maylam demonstrates how Matopos remains a contested space due to Rhodes’ burial side by side with Mzilikazi. The chapter ends by a focus on memorial sites in South Africa.
The third chapter addresses Rhodes’ education and commemoration. Rhodes’ legacies are noted in his scholarships, names of places after him and in some cases, connections with his name. Rhodes University in South Africa, Oriel College- a major beneficiary of Rhodes’ will and more notable being Oxford, with more memorials on Rhodes (p.78). In some cases, Rhodes’ obsession is viewed in the way he made efforts to falsely claim that Great Zimbabwe to be an ancient, exotic civilization.  Rhodes scholarships remain much alive in twenty-first century and regarded as the most famous educational award in the English-speaking world and the most prestigious student award in the USA (p.78). Although the Rhodes scholarship is viewed in that light, recently in Zimbabwe, Augustine Tirivangana (2018) in The Patriot Zimbabwe newspaper has made efforts to revive discussions on Rhodes scholarships in a context of Munhu Munhu Scholarships Programme 2019 which targets to support lesbians, gay, bisexual, transgender and intersex (and queer) individuals between 18-35 years. Degree programmes to be pursued include, democracy, governance, justice, human rights and conflict resolution strategies. It is notable from Maylam’s book that, contradictions and ironies exist on the criteria for selection of the scholarships.  After Rhodes’ death, changes on what Rhodes wanted took shape which the book unpacks.
In chapter four, the discussion on whether Rhodes was a ‘hero or villain’ is set out relying on novels and films about him. Three classical works critical of Rhodes in the form of novels are dealt with, namely, Mr Magnus written by Francis R. Statham; Peter Halket by Schreiner and also The Colossus: A Story of To-day by Morley Roberts. Plays on Rhodes are also addressed, that is, The Fall by Anthony Delius; Ancestors and Diamonds by Michael Picardie; King of Diamonds by Harold Laite among many other films. This chapter is engaging in that there is analysis beyond ‘hero or villain’ dichotomies.
Chapter five focuses on why Rhodes matters, that is, the biographies, road to cultdom, Rhodes Trust and the striving for immortality. Finally, with chapter six, Maylam explicitly demonstrates his position on Cecil John Rhodes articulating  that he was more of a curse than a blessing to Southern Africa especially the formerly colonized countries under the influence of his British South Africa Company (BSAC). The establishment of Mandela Rhodes Foundation creates another avenue from which the memory of Rhodes ignited debates among historians, and interested researchers. From the various narratives engaged, Rhodes’ imperialism always gained prominence, the figure of a ruthless colonizer and a cultural chauvinist portrayed with the theme of ecological imperialist emerging as another unexplored issue from which further research is necessary.
However, Maylam doesn’t offer a detailed analysis of the whole body of works on Rhodes as he scantily summaries major works. Nonetheless, the book is a must  read for those interested in the history of imperialism, the initiated and uninitiated in historical studies who seek an overview of many academic and non-academic works on Cecil John Rhodes. Above all, the context from which the book was written make it relevant as the wave of decolonization of space, names and re-naming of landscapes are still topical not only in South Africa and Zimbabwe, but globally, in imperial historical studies.

Brian Maregedze is an author, historian and columnist. Researcher with Leaders for Africa Network (LAN), a Pan-African research think tank and membership with Zimbabwe Historical Association [ZHA]. Email; bmaregedze@gmail.com
Author of; A Guide to Sources of African History: For Advanced Level Examination Candidates, 2018. https://www.amazon.com/Guide-Sources-African-History-Examination/dp/1985640600,  Link to the e-book.

A year after Robert Mugabe in Zimbabwe

Zimbabwean politics appear to have changed due to the media reportage of the past twelve months since Robert Mugabe’s ouster in the political scene. The question of a new Zimbabwe in the name of the new dispensation has been posited in various platforms. Some of the key aspects of Robert Mugabe’s remnants include, deteriorating economic challenges, corruption as a power retention strategy, political violence, gender imbalance in political representation, the land question, weak opposition parties, divide and rule strategy used by the ruling party, manifestations of a corrupt civil society as well as militarized state institutions. However, some positive steps can be identified, although of less significance such as calls for re-engagement with the international community, de-demonisation taking shape particularly on relations between Zimbabwe and Britain, media pluralism in the face of elections. Although such positives can be noted, l argue that Zimbabwe’s case is that of the old adage, ‘new wine in old bottles.’ Robert Mugabe was ousted by the military action code-named ‘Operation Restore Legacy’ in November 2017.

Economic crisis

There has not been positive strides on daily living for ordinary citizens in Zimbabwe. Prices of basic commodities have continued to escalate despite promises of a better Zimbabwe by those in power. With ‘the not so coup, coup of November 2017’ in Zimbabwe which led to the ouster of the former long-time serving President, Robert Mugabe, expectations for better living standards were high among Zimbabweans. Nothing positive has been said in relation to stabilizing the economy by the current government as they are much into promises using the old style of mega billion dollar projects. According to the Zimbabwesituation.com of 22 June 2018, indications were that the cash crisis in Zimbabwe was still in intensive care as the introduction of plastic money was not enough.

Corruption

The level of corruption in Zimbabwe in all spheres of life has been legendary. Almost every member of the new dispensation has had one way or the other been involved on corrupt activities. Questions raised by the public have been more to do with how the new government would confront the challenge of corruption. The toothless bull dog, Zimbabwe Anti-Corruption Commissioned (ZACC) did not in any way led arrests of anyone. The story of the corrupt Wicknel Chivayo, the contentious missing 15 billion of the Mugabe era, Supa Mandiwanzira scandals among others are such clear cases that the new government could have done some steps into bringing sanity and hope to Zimbabweans. It can be observed that reluctance by the new dispensation leaders to face corruption cases head on raises eye brose. Is Emmmerson Mnagagwa using Robert Mugabe’s strategy for power retention?

Political violence

Zimbabwe has been known to have culture of violence particularly in light of its national elections. Various media reports indicate that political leaders have been jostling for power from all political divides. Unlike during Robert Mugabe’s reign where his party and MDC Tsvangirai led party were popular for political violence, the new dispensation has all parties involved. Despite pledging for peace in the 2018 elections, uncertainty among observers was the order of the day. The 2008 elections were initially held in a harmonized manner but the re-run became disastrous with the military pledging not to accept any leader without military credentials. The 27 June 2008 memories have not been addressed at national level such that, the Emmerson Mnangagwa is doubted on the plausibility of peaceful elections. The 1 August 2018 shootings after the elections in Zimbabwe have been used by critics of the new dispensation that nothing has changed from the system.

Gender Imbalance

Zimbabwe’s national politics has generally been patriarchal with little space for women political players. The way Joice Mujuru was ousted in 2014 as a vice president raised a lot of issues as her liberation war achievements were re-questioned by the predominantly male leaders. Thokozani Khupe, the current leader of MDC-T has been facing the same challenge in the opposition political field. Reports have also shown how she was labelled in bad light due to her efforts to see constitutionalism addressed with her succession dispute with the MDC Alliance leader Nelson Chamisa. Having noted that, there were only three female presidential candidates out of the twenty three campaigning for the presidential office. This in a way shows how the new dispensation has not yet moved steps away from Robert Mugabe’s way. The fact that women are shamed in political circles shows a society that still needs to shift from the past thirty seven years of illusion in light of involvement of women in national politics. Blessing Miles-Tendi (2016) described that as rotten political culture which derails democracy and as it appears in Zimbabwe, he was accurate.

Land question?

With the language of re-engagement, no tangible results have materialized since Robert Mugabe was radical on the land debate. All political parties only hinted on promising to compensate some white farmers who lost land during the controversial land reform programme which took shape during the Mugabe era. The land issue if addressed also allows room for removal of many ZANU PF leaders from the imposed economic sanctions by the United States of America and its western allies. The International Monetary Fund (IMF) will also open its credit facilities to Zimbabwe. The land issue was made constitutional and irreversible in 2013 and as such it remains a contentious issue as there is divided opinion on the way forward. Ian Scoones an academic on land and land agrarian debates in Africa, using his Zimbabweland blogging site aptly details how Zimbabwe’s land question is not clear as presented by the main political parties.

Weak opposition parties

During Robert Mugabe’s era, many reasons have been proffered as to why he remained in power for so long. One notable example despite his repressive laws and practices had been weak opposition parties. From Edgar Tekere who was popular for condemning corruption and luxurious lifestyle in the late 1980s by political leaders later on found himself within the same situation. The legacy of succession left by the late Richard Morgan Tsvangirai has continued to haunt their party as it has been divided with Nelson Chamisa emerging as an heir to the presidential post. Thokozani Khupe has also a stake in the struggle, now leading using the MDC-T brand name.  Such a scenario offers the current government an opportunity to win against a divided opposition party if managed well. Although Emmerson Mnangagwa is leading with his old horses, he has a merit of having proper structures nationally unlike the opposition parties. Despite yearning for change, it appears some of the opposition candidates are a joke. The National Constituency Assembly (NCA) President, Professor Lovemore Madhuku was open that he was not targeting the presidential office in July 2018 but claimed to be use it as a rehearsal for the next elections (1 July 2018,Sunday News). Be that as it may, Zimbabwe has a divided weak opposition party compared to the main contender ZANU PF.

Corrupt Civil Society

It has been generally the norm that the civil society has been criticized by some local Zimbabwe outlets as agencies of the regime change agenda. However, recently, new evidence of embezzlement of funds has led to withdrawal of funds by the international community. This adversely affects the opposition parties as they relied on reports from such organizations in confronting issues of political violence and human rights. Examples which have been seriously dealt with by Golden Guvamatanga of the Patriot Zimbabwe newspaper (5 July 2018) include the Zimbabwe Human Rights Association (ZimRights), Counselling Service Unit (CSU), Election Resource Centre (ERC) and Grace for Peace.
Militarization of state institutions
Complaints have been raised by members of the public and opposition parties pertaining the independent body with the mandate to deal with elections in Zimbabwe. Mainly noted is the way retired uniformed forces have jobs, working for Zimbabwe Electoral Commission (ZEC). More so, working in government parastatals has also created tension among people in Zimbabwe describing that as the militarization of the state. This however, is argued to lead into a compromise as the current Vice President Retired General Constantino Chiwenga has been known to declare that he would not salute anyone with no liberation war credentials. In as much as Robert Mugabe was known for arguing that, “our votes are our guns”, in some occasions the opposite has been found to be true. Worse still the military intervention in November 2017 in the executive has led academics such as Ibbo Mandaza and the law expert Alex Magaisa to argue that this was a military coup led government. In that regard, prior to elections, fears for a repetition of such a scenario in case Emmerson Mnangagwa failed to win led to uncertainties about claims of the new dispensation. These elections were thus a way to find legitimacy from the people as well as the international community. The recent pledge made by the Zimbabwe Defense Forces to abide by the constitution left more issues unanswered as political analysts observed that it was way of creating a positive image for the army with no real intentions to do what they preach. It came as no surprise on 1 August, as shootings in Harare (capital city of Zimbabwe) proved that indeed, the critics were prophetic.

Populism

The use of political rhetoric rather than practical possible policies has continued to haunt Zimbabwe from all political fronts.  The ‘politics of sloganeering’ has been Robert Mugabe’s strategy from the colonial period until his demise in the political landscape. Nkosana Moyo a presidential contender seems to stand alone in light of this type of politics. However, he remains at the periphery of the Zimbabwe populace in relation to focus on his policies. Emmerson Mnangagwa and Nelson Chamisa are the main contestants who are popular to Zimbabweans. Wherever Nelson Chamisa is, that is where the MDC Alliance goes. Proper structures have proved problematic. In the ruling party ZANU PF, reports indicate that there is no way forward on Robert Mugabe’s party regalia which numbers around five million. In terms of perpetuation of party ideology, the Emmerson Mnangagwa administration has been clear such that their, “Zimbabwe is open for business mantra” echoes the 2013 noise of 2.2 million jobs which did not materialize. “God is in it” adage has also been popularized in the MDC Alliance camp thereby adding to the Mugabe style of leadership and it has also become synonymous with his, “Zimbabwe will never be a colony again”, “Blare keep your England and let me keep my Zimbabwe” among others. “God is in it” has replaced the “Mugabe Must Go” mantra which was popular during the late Richard Morgan Tsvangirai’s tenure. There is need to have politics which delves into everyday struggles of the people rather than wasting time in sloganeering.

Succession Dilemma

The same problem that the opposition parties claimed to redress particularly on succession issues during Mugabe era and following the rule of law within their respective parties remains a critical issue. Morgan Tsvangirai left a legacy which left his party developing into a factional zone. Although Richard Morgan Tsvangirai was viewed as a doyen of Zimbabwean democracy by his fanatical followers he also overstayed in power to the extent of dying without resolving who would take up the presidential post after he was gone. Engineer Mudzuri, Thokozani Khupe and Nelson Chamisa are products of Richard Morgan Tsvangirai’s political blunders. On the same note, just like Robert Mugabe he faced his fate on 21 November 2017 due to his dictatorial tendencies by having centralized powers within his party and government. Mugabeism as it has been called in academic circles still haunts Zimbabwe although they are efforts to move on as a country.
However, notable strides have been on paper with the new dispensation in Zimbabwe. Some of them include doing away with partisan politics which saw chiefs campaigning for political parties. During Robert Mugabe’s reign, chiefs would play a part in mobilizing the electorate for ZANU PF which was unconstitutional. Worse still, using school transport and students to attend political rallies has also been legally put down. Such positives give merits to the new dispensation which is claiming to have a reformed approach.

Again in terms of international relations, re-engagement rather than isolationist policies have been adopted by Emmerson Mnangagwa. Efforts to cut spending by government has been observed to the extent of risking the whole executives’ lives when an explosion occurred at White City Stadium in Bulawayo at a political rally. Security personnel were reduced especially who go for manning the space prior to rallies. In that way, the current president “ED administration” has tried to show a difference rather than pursue the extravagance of his predecessor. 
The opposition political parties have been offered with equal media coverage unlike before. This has however been treated critically as people still have memories of 27 June 2008 elections which claimed lives. Using History to serve ZANU PF‘s purpose has been another challenge as wounds of the Matabeleland disturbances have been unattended to with the “bygones be bygones” mantra adopted by Emmerson Dambudzo Mnangagwa. Although, a reconciliation platform is being set up, there seem to be lack of information pertaining to such issues which have haunted Zimbabweans over a long time.
All in all, it can be observed that remnants of Robert Mugabe are still fresh and notable as highlighted above. To Wananchi aka Tendai Biti interpreted this as ‘a dream hijacked.’ This is ‘new wine in old bottles’ and or what others have termed a hyena taking care of a goat, an African figurative expression explaining that, old habits die hard. On the contrary some are optimistic of the new dispensation as the dawn of a new Zimbabwe.

Brian Maregedze is a Zimbabwean historian, author and columnist.
Feedback; email bmaregedze@gmail.com

Learning Factory: studying History and modern technology

By Brian Maregedze

To those studying History at advanced level, there is a way of learning History using the most convenient way made possible. Manners Msongelwa, the current president for the Zimbabwe History Teachers Association now disseminates History notes using portable CDs.

The CDs are currently sold at $3.00 only. The eloquent teacher, Manners Msongelwa a.k.a Mr Muso as he is popularly known, offers insightful analysis on Regional and International Affairs topics. Using social media platforms such as WhatsApp and YouTube, it is easy to follow up Mr Muso’s History lessons.
Multi-media based instruction can be efficient and effective for three reasons (Issa, Cox & Killingsworth, 1999):
It is self-paced learning: the individualized pace of the learning allows students to break down the group instructional setting, which often inhibits some people’s natural progression (West & Crook, 1992).
It includes autonomy in the learning process: self-regulated instruction shifts the sense of responsibility from the instructor to the student and
It includes video/audio production, enhancing a learner’s interaction with the course material through less bridging effort between the learner and the information being processed.

Learning from a professional teacher is always engaging and this is different from any other source of information found on social media. Mr Muso is a game changer in the learning of History at advanced level.

For information, I encourage History teachers and students, as well as those with passion for History as a subject to Call/App +263 717 453 073 or +263 717 453 080. Web: www.study.co.zw or email; info@learningfactory.co.zw

Brian Maregedze is a Research Associate with Leaders for Africa Network (LAN), a Pan African think tank. Professional membership: Zimbabwe Historical Association (ZHA). Feedback, email: bmaregedze@gmail.com

The Rise and fall of Robert Mugabe (1980-2017)

https://www.google.co.zw/amp/s/www.herald.co.zw/the-rise-and-fall-of-robert-mugabe/amp/

The rise and fall of Robert Mugabe

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ABOVE: Former president Robert Mugabe is flanked by National Patriotic Front members Jealousy Mawarire (left) and the party’s then interim president Retired Brigadier-General Ambrose Mutinhiri after his resignation. RIGHT: Robert Mugabe during his days as Zanu secretary-general. - File photos.

Brian Maregedze Book Review
Life and Times of Robert Mugabe (1980-2017): Dream Betrayed
Kenneth Mufuka and Cyril Zenda, 2018, Afro-media Publishers, South Carolina, ISBN 9-781513-625959
Reviewed by Brian Maregedze

The personality of Robert Mugabe has dominated post-independence narratives of Zimbabwe’s history. In the year 2004, Roy E. Brownwell II, in a reviewed essay, observed the declining nature of Robert Mugabe’s career which eventually reached its arguably “humiliating end” on November 21 2017.

“The Life and Times of Robert Mugabe” is the subject of investigation in a recently published book by Ken Mufuka and Cyril Zenda, starting from Robert Mugabe’s famous speech as Prime Minister in independent Zimbabwe and ending in his downfall in the political stage in 2017. This timely publication, unlike other works on the same personality, compares Robert Mugabe to Tshaka the Zulu in many ways.

Unlike earlier Eurocentric writers on the life of Robert Mugabe, Mufuka and Zenda argue that their book offers an Afrocentric view of the man, deploying Tshaka Zulu as a prism to analyse Mugabe’s life. While this is commendable, I am sure some readers will find it far-fetched to use the tag of “Afrocentric” just because they are using Tshaka the Zulu.

The two authors firstly identify and summarise existing narratives as well as the challenges that beleaguer these narratives. The tags of an “Englishman”, “passionate Catholic”, “the exceptional public speaker”, “the Machiavellian politician” and “the dictator” or “Hitler” of the West are articulated and problematised.

In the third and fourth chapter, a monolithic writing of the life of Robert Mugabe is made, though with little success. Although Mufuka and Zenda claim to debunk the narratives of earlier journalists on Robert Mugabe, they fall in the same trap as they prematurely use Tshaka the Zulu under the guise of historical anachronism.

A bitter man who has lived a life of bitterness is portrayed, in love with his mother just like King Tshaka the Zulu is offered in what these two authors claim is a comparative view. Reading through the infamous 2005 Murambatsvina (clear out of filth), Mugabe is portrayed as a tyrant (p.48).

Again, labelling Mugabe as “callous”, the ideological lenses deployed still have Western flavour, thereby falling to the pedestrian Eurocentric approaches that the two authors ostensibly set out to debunk (p.33). To describe Mugabe while extracting Western theologians and their discourses on divinity doesn’t tally with an Afrocentric reading of Mugabe as the two authors had initially argued (p.10).

The sixth and seventh chapters address the way Robert Mugabe responded to the needs of the war veterans led by the late Chenjerai Hunzvi. During the same period (1997-1998), a number of steps which plunged Zimbabwe into “crisis” are explored, among them the effects of the Economic Structural Adjustment Programmes [ESAP], the impact of the Mozambican excursions, war veterans’ gratuities and compensation funds, the involvement of Zimbabwe in the Democratic Republic of Congo war, and the publication of the report on the Matabeleland disturbances (Gukurahundi).

All these were issues at Mugabe’s doorstep and needed his attention. This then brought the rise of anti-Government sentiments from various spheres of the Zimbabwe society. The period between 2000-2008, which the authors titled “Things Fall Apart” (probably a reference to Chinua Achebe’s most famous novel), saw the formation of the Movement for Democratic Change and other anti-Mugabe forces which suited the Western view of multi-party democratic movement.

Mugabe developed a modus operandi to the crisis, which hovered around blaming the British government, accusing local political opponents, deploying the “LAND IS THE ECONOMY” slogan culminating in the land debate among others explained in the book.

The eighth chapter focuses on the central argument of the book, which compares Robert Mugabe to Tshaka the Zulu. In this section the authors identify circumstances in which Mugabe deployed the perilous concept of “belonging” to attack political opponents, “manufactured” enemies, especially the urban populace, which Mugabe accused of voting for the opposition party. In retribution, Mugabe authorised the Operation Murambatsvina to punish the urbanites whom he described as “thankless people” (p.105).

He also pursued a “Look East Policy” in response to the imposed illegal sanctions on Zimbabwe by the Western countries. Notable also was the “unstable and contradictory relationship” between Mugabe and the military, traced from the late General Zvinavashe’s tenure as the Zimbabwe Defence Forces Commander to Mugabe’s demise in 2017.

The issue of “personalisation” of the liberation struggle also comes out strongly. The ninth chapter delves into political violence characterising the 2008 elections. The book concludes with a chronicle of once-Mugabe allies now-turned-enemies, and the perceived victims of Mugabe. These include the late Joshua Nkomo, Joseph Msika, Solomon Mujuru (Rex Nhongo) and Joice Mujuru. It was during the episode of trying to humiliate and deal with yet another now-perceived “enemy”, the now president, Cde Emmerson Dambudzo Mnangagwa (congratulations are in order), that Mugabe faced his own Waterloo. The dismissal of the then Vice President, ED Mnangagwa, under spurious accusations led to the demise of Mugabe.

While the book is readable to a general reader, the authors could have done better in their presentation and editing. Reading through the book, one is easily irritated by the numerous typological errors, with dates supposedly of post-independence Zimbabwe falling into pre-colonial era, for instance, 1886 erroneously used in line with Matabeleland disturbances which in actual fact are under the 1980s (p.9).

To a critical academic reader, the book is not worthy of recommendation. With the rise of self-publishing industry in Zimbabwe and the world over, this book can be used as a case study on the need to have professional editorial work considering that the book appears hurriedly published.

Brian Maregedze is a historian, author and columnist